• Journal of architectural history
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• v.13 no.1 s.37
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• pp.21-33
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• 2004

The 'Research report on the Korean architecture(韓國建築調査報告)' is the first investigation and research of the Korean architecture by Japanese researcher. This paper is about Sekino Tadashi's viewpoints of Korean architecture in the 'Research report on Korean architecture'. And the findings are as follows. The investigation of the Korean architecture by Sekino Tadashi was carried out in the concern about the relation between Japanese architecture and Asian architecture, shortly after the research of the history of Japanese architecture started. And following investigation and research about Korean architecture by Sekino Tadashi was mainly focusing on the ancient architecture which he estimated highly in the 'Research report on the Korean architecture'. When he observed each architecture himself, he estimated highly the ancient Korean architecture, of course. And also he estimated highly many architecture of the Koryo and the Chosun period. However, when he estimated Korean architecture as a whole, he had been strongly influenced in the prejudice about Korea in Japan of those days. But this is not originate in his individuality. History research reflects the historical situation that the researcher was placed. The viewpoints of Korean architecture in the 'Research report on the Korean architecture' was produced by the Korean recognition in Japan of those days.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.1 s.41
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• pp.41-55
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• 2005

Most of researches in Korea by far on Sekino Tadashi were mainly focused on his historical view only. The main observations of this study, instead, are that; (1) his methodology of studying architectural history was closely related to his previous experiences with the conservation of the architectural heritages in Japan, and (2) his earlier activities in Korea made a significant Influence on the conservation of the architectural heritages in Korea. Sekino started his carrier after the graduation from the university by participating in the restoration sites of the architectural heritages in Japan, and his experiences at that time had founded the basis of his methodology of studying architectural history. Later, his on-site experiences were also adapted into the conservation of the architectural heritages in Korea when Korea was about to be colonized by Japan. In other words, Sekino's study on the Korean traditional architectures started from 1902 had a meaning of not only the starting point of the study on the Korean architectural history but also the starting point of the conservation of the Korean architectural heritages. Especially, Sekino's study during 1909 1912 prioritized the conservation of the architectural heritages as the main purpose of the study, and the influences of the study spanned over the entire colonial period by Japan. The influences were that; (1) Sekino's studies in 1909 1912 had outlined the colonial government's policy of the conservation of the architectural heritages, and (2) many restorations were made based on those studies.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.100-125
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• 2018

The Japanese colonial authority investigated and institutionalized Korea's cultural properties for the purpose of governance. This process was conducted by Japanese officials and scholars, and systematized after making some changes. The Reservation Rule (1916) and the cultural properties designated in 1934 were actually the starting point for Korea's current cultural property policy. In the view of lineup of 'committee' that consider all of cultural property and changing of 'cultural property list', this study discusses the cultural property policy implemented by Joseon's Government-General, which can be summarized as follows. First, Joseon's Government-General formed a committee (Preservation Society) to formulate the cultural property policy, and had the policy implemented by appointing Governor officials who accounted for more than half the total number of officials of the institution. Although some Koreans were concerned about this, they had no influence on the matter. Second, the cultural properties listed by Joseon's Government-General are divided into three periods according to the lists. The compilation of the first list was led by Sekino Tadashi, who represented the grading system (1909~1916); while that of the second list (1917~1933) was led by Guroita Gatsumi, who represented listing (1917~1933). Guroita Gatsumi tried to erase Sekino Tadashi's list by formulating the cultural property policy and the list - a situation that was revealed in the system and the actual contents of the list. The third list was made as a list of designated cultural properties in 1934. This list also reflected the results of Sekino Tadashi investigation of the important cultural properties at existing temples that had been excluded from the previous regulations (1934~1945). In this way, a basic framework for the listing of Korean cultural properties was established in 1934.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.4 s.44
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• pp.41-58
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• 2005

This study was started under the judgement that reviewing $\ulcorner$A Survey Report of Korean Architecture$\lrcorner$, which contains photographs and drawings by Sekino Tadashi and which was also made under the order of the Japanese government(1902), would make it possible to consider in detail the status of Korean buildings in the period of the Korean Empire. The focus of the study. was put on three main parts of the temple, especially the central parts. The photographs and drawings as mentioned above showed that changes in the layout of buildings in the central part of the temple were made between the period of the Korean Empire and that of Japanese occupation. Thus the purpose of the study is to investigate when changes in building layout in the central part of the temple were made and what made such changes to be caused, obtaining information necessary for future changes in the precincts of the temple. Results of the study can be summarized as follows. First, 'Seonchal Daebonsan Beomeosa feonkeongdo' and 'Gyeongsangnamdo Dongraegun Beomeosa Geonmul Jeondo' were made in a same period. While, 'Chosun Gojeok Dobo', published by the government-general of Chosun, was a collection of photographs taken by Sekino Tadashi for about 30 years from 1902 to 1933 under the order of the Japanese government. But there were few changes in the building layout of the temple shown in the three materials. Second, one of the photographs and drawings made since 1933, not contained in 'Chosun Gojeok Dobo', and discovered by this researcher was 'Seonchal Daebonsan Beomeosa Annae' which was published by the temple itself after national independence from the period of Japanese occupation, indicating the main reason of changes in building layout as mentioned above. In conclusion, the layout of buildings of the temple began to be changed on a large scale, with so-called 'Cheyongseol' ignored, when Buddhist monk Cha Woon Ho established a 7-storied sarira tower to the left of the main building in the center of the upper part in 1936. In addition, the axis line connecting between Hwaeomjong and Seonjong was also changed at that time.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.18-35
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• 2024

The Tomb of Jang Mui was discovered and investigated during the Japanese colonial era. It has provided key archaeological material for identifying the Daebang Commandery mentioned in historical records as Sariwon in Hwanghae-do Province when some bricks used in the construction of the tomb were found to be stamped with the official title "Prefect of Daebang Commandery." The discovery of the Tomb of Jang Mui served to confirm that the brick chamber tombs found along the Daedonggang River in 1909 were related to the Nangnang Commandery. It can be viewed as a major archaeological breakthrough that settled a debate over the locations of the Daesu River and Daebang Commandery that had been ongoing since the early Joseon Dynasty. Despite its significance for archeology and ancient Korean history, the circumstances of the discovery and investigations of the Tomb of Jang Mui have not been thoroughly examined. Inscribed bricks and roof tiles unearthed during the excavation conducted by Sekino Tadashi in 1912 are currently housed at The University Museum of The University of Tokyo. A number of other bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui are in the collection of the National Museum of Korea. Main agents of the investigations into these materials have not all been identified. Only some records on the materials collected during the investigations by Nomori Gen and others specify the main investigators. Inscribed bricks from other related tombs are also found in the Tokyo National Museum and at several universities in Japan. It is hoped that a comprehensive report incorporating all these materials can be written. Based on a reinterpretation of its structure conducted by Jung In-seung in 2010, the Tomb of Jang Mui has been dated to 348. This means it was not built during the Daebang Commandery period. The most compelling archaeological evidence regarding the location of the Daebang Commandery and its local capital has been undermined. It is hoped that active discussions will be held on the issue of the Daebang Commandery and its local capital.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.10 no.3 s.27
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• pp.45-60
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• 2001

The Tongdo temple have been transformed continuously since its first establishment about 1300 years ago. Nevertheless three critical elements specified by 'Jajangyulsa', founder of the temple have not varied over the times but rather strengthened and strongly combined. All elements and doctrines of the religion coexist and form a harmony within the whole of the temple. This researcher examined what changes, or combinations, in spatial formation were sought for such unique structures of the Tongue temple by focusing mainly on the Sangrojun area of the temple to obtain the following findings. First. unlike a work by a Japanese researcher 'Sekino Tadashi', the east yard of the main building was found located on the section line which corresponded to the separation line of Yungkuncheokdo(營建尺度=measure running) from the edge of the Keumkangkyedan(金剛戒壇 =Buddhist platform) embankment to the corner column of the Kamrodang. This was confirmed as a result of the review of photos shown in [Chosun Kojukdobo]. Second, the number of stairs used for the Keumkangkyedan was thought to become three when the temple was firstly restored in 1379 as a result that this researcher reviewed Chinese literature 'DoSun' and [Kyedandokyung(戒壇圖經)], records by 'Lee saek' and 'Jung Shihan', studies of Yungkun measure and actual changes in the temple. Then the temple was forth restored in 1705 when the second of the stairs was changed in area and height and at the same time grounded hard for a space for a Buddhist service. Third, the roof of the main building was probably changed in shape during the Koryo period when the plane structure, furnish arrangement, emphasized front, stone lanterns of the building and political factors of that time were all considered. Fourth, the main building was Initially designed to provide a Buddhist sermon service which was assumedly followed by a similar service at a Keumkangkyedan. Thus the main building had a small window on the northern side which might be opened up to look out or otherwise go outside like a door. However, the window was probably locked up like a surrounding wall since the main building was entirely repaired after the end of Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.4 s.44
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• pp.137-155
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• 2005

This study was started with its consideration as materials showing original shapes of temple buildings in the late period of Chosun the photographs and drawings which contained in $\ulcorner$A Survey Report of Korean Architecture$\lrcorner$ made by Sekino Tadashi through his survey for 62 days(July 5${sim}$Sep. 4, 1902). Results of the study can be summarized as follows. During the period of Japanese occupation, Beomesa temple experienced frequent changes in building layout including the transfer and removal of buildings. Such frequent change began in spring, 1936 when a Buddhist monk of Beomeosa temple, Cha Woon Ho moved Gwaneumjeon, originally located to the light of the main building, to the left of the building and, on its original site, built up a 7-storied sarira tower. Though it is difficult to say that the study provides everything about Beomeosa temple, the researcher expects that the study would be the very basis on which changes in the building layout of the temple since the late period of Chosun can be researched. In conclusion, the researcher hopes that the above mentioned restoration plan would help originally restore or enlarge temples, further transmitting such restored or enlarged establishments as valuable cultural remains from generation to generation. In this respect, the researcher expects such restoration plan to be made in continuous and more detailed ways.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.39
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• pp.95-130
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• 2006

Japanese government college researchers, including Sekino Tadashi(關野貞), have conducted research studies and collected data, on overall Korean cultural relics as well as Silla tumuli(新羅古墳) in the early modern times under the Japanese imperialistic rule. They were supported by the Meichi government in the early stage of research, by the Chosun government-general, and by their related organizations after Korea was coIonialized to carry out investigations on Korean antiquities, fine arts, architecture, anthropology, folklore, and so on. The objective for which they prosecuted inquiries into Korean cultural relics, including Silla tumuli, may be attributed to the purport to find out such data as needed for the theoretical foundation to justify their colonialization of Korea. Such a reason often showed locally biased or distorted views. Investigations and surveys had been incessantly carried out by those Japanese scholars who took a keen interest in Korean tumuli and excavated relics since 1886. 'Korea Architecture Survey Reports' conducted in 1904 by Sekino in Korea gives a brief introduction of the contents of Korean tumuli, including the Five Royal Mausoleums(五陵). And in 1906 Imanishi Ryu(今西龍) launched for the first time an excavation survey on Buksan Tumulus(北山古墳) in Sogeumgangsan(小金剛山) and on 'Namchong(南塚)' in Hwangnam-dong, which greatly contributed to the foundation of a basic understanding of Wooden chamber tombs with stone mound(積石木槨墳) and stone chambers with tunnel entrance(橫穴式石室墳). The ground plan and cross section of stone chambers made in 1909 at his excavation survey of seokchimchong(石枕塚) by Yazui Seiyichi(谷井第一) who majored in architecture made a drawing in excavation surveys for the first time in Korea, in which numerical expressions are sharply distinguished from the previous sketched ones. And even in the following excavation surveys this kind of drawing continued. Imanishi and Yazui elucidated that wooden chambers with stone mound chronologically differs from the stone chambers with tunnel entrance on the basis of the results of surveys of the locational characteristics of Silla tumuli, the forms and size of tomb entrance, excavated relics, and so forth. The government-general put in force 'the Historic Spots and Relics Preservation Rules' and 'the Historic Spots Survey Council Regulations' in 1916, establishing 'Historic Spots Survey Council and Museum Conference. When museums initiated their activities, they exhibited those relics excavated from tumuli and conducted surveys of relics with the permission of the Chosun government-general. A gold crown tomb(金冠塚) was excavated and surveyed in 1921 and a seobong tomb(瑞鳳塚) in 1927. Concomitantly with this large size wooden chamber tombs with stone mound attracted strong public attention. Furthermore, a variety of surveys of spots throughout the country were carried out but publication of tumuli had not yet been realized. Recently some researchers's endeavors led to publish unpublished reports. However, the reason why reports of such significant tumuli as seobong tomb had not yet been published may be ascribed to the critical point in those days. The Gyeongju Tumuli Distribution Chart made by Nomori Ken(野守健) on the basis of the land register in the late 1920s seems of much significance in that it specifies the size and locations of 155 tumuli and shows the overall shape of tumuli groups within the city, as used in today's distribution chart. In the 1930s Arimitsu Kyoichi(有光敎一) and Saito Tadashi(齋藤忠) identified through excavation surveys of many wooden chamber tombs with stone mound and stone chambers with tunnel entrance, that there were several forms of tombs in a tomb system. In particular, his excavation survey experience of those wooden chamber tombs with stone mound which were exposed in complicated and overlapped forms show features more developed than that of preceding excavation surveys and reports publication, and so on. The result of having reviewed the contents of many historic spots surveyed at that time. Therefore this reexamination is considered to be a significant project in arranging the history of archaeology in Korea.