• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.28
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• pp.301-390
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• 1995

In this paper, I intended to study the policy executed by the king Sungjong(성종), the ruler of the early Chosun(조선) Dynasty, for the purpose of the training for the literary scholars under the diplomatic necessity and from his own interest in literature, and the compilation and the publication of anthologies of the famous civil officials in those days under the influence of this policy. The overall findings of the study can be summarized as follows : 1. Sungjong was comparable with the Sejong(세종) in his studiousness and especially, he was very interested in literature. He composed verses personally, showed them to his civil officials and demanded their poems in response to his own ones. Futhermore, he executed steadily the institutions of Eung-je(응제), Kaw-si(과식) and Weol-kwa(월과) that demanded creative writings from his civil officials. The purpose of these institutions which was propelled by the king Sungjong was the training for the literary scholars under the diplomatic necessity. 2. Chosun Dynasty exchanged envoys with Myeong(명) Dynasty during the time of the king Sungjong as many as 100 times. The training for the excellent literary scholars was nationally urgent problem because the competent literary scholars were needed whenever Myeong Dynasty dispatched the envoys to Chosun Dynasty. Eung-je, Kwa-si and Weol-kwa were executed from practical demand and 1 - 3 persons at the minimum, 60 - 70 persons at the maximum took part in this institution at a time. This means that 60 - 70 literary works were produced at a time. Therefore, the steady execution of Eung-je, Kwa-si and Weol-kwa inevitably resulted in mass production of literary works. 3. The king Sungjong instructed his civil officials to compile the anthologies of the then representative civil officials as a means to encourage literary compositions, read it himself and took actions to publish them at the expense of government. There were six anthologies compiled and published under this policy of the king Sungjong, Kang Heui­maeng's Sasukjejib(강희맹, 사숙제집), Shin Suk-ju's Bohanjaejib(신숙단, 보한제집), Kim Su-on's Shikujib (김수온, 식우집), Choe Hang's Taeheojeongjib(최항, 태허정집), Seo Keo-jeong's Sagajib (서거정, 사가집), Lee Seok-hyeong's Jeoheonjib(이석형, 저헌집). Yu Ho-in's Noekyejib(유호인, 뇌계집+CZ48), Lee Seung-so's Samtanjib(이승소, 삼탄집), Kim Jong-jik's Jeompiljaejib(김종직, 점필제집) of three were examined by the king Sungjong, but published later because of the death of the king. 4. jeompiljaejib was compiled by order of the king Sungjong and passed Eulram (을람 : king reads an anthology personally) which contained Joeuijemoon(조의제문) that criticized the king Sejo(세조) who had usurped a throne. The recording of Joeuijemoon became an issue in process of Muosahwa(무오사화), and it was ordered that the printing blocks should be broken and the published books should be collected and be burnt up. These procedures destroyed the social atmosphere that people considered it an honor writing literary compositions, compiling and publishing anthologies thanks to the steady efforts of the king Sungjong. 5. It had an important effect on the compilation and the publication of anthologies after that, breaking the printing blocks, collecting and burning up the pulished books of Jeompiljaejib because of recording of Joeuijemoon. Namely, it got universalized to delete compositions that can cause problems in the future as well as the parts related to political issue, from the objects of recording. Such tendency became one of the important principles of the anthological compilation after that.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.80-99
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• 2018

In premodern society, the central spaces in local counties were known as Eupchi (邑治), in which Gwan-a (官衙). The Eupchi located in seaside counties were in Eupseong, whereas the Eupchi of inland counties only included a Gwan-a, and did not have a fortress. Yanggeun-gun (楊根郡) and Jipyeonghyeon (砥平縣), which currently form Yangpyeong-gun (楊平郡), were counties where only Gwan-a existed. At present, there are few traces of the Gwan-a in Yanggeun and Jipyeong. In addition, it is impossible to exactly verify the history, scale and location of these two Gwan-as. Therefore, this study attempts to make a rough estimation of the histories, scales and sites of these Gwan-a by analyzing the relevant literature and ancient maps that are scattered according to the principles of spatial organization of local Gwan-a. The Yanggeun and Jipyeong Gwan-a appear to have been built in the early Joseon period. There are three reasons for this assertion: First, in Yanggeun and Jipyeong, Suryeong (守令) were first officially appointed after the early Joseon period. Once Suryoeng were appointed to such counties, the Gwan-a in which they would serve could be established. Second, the Dongheon (東軒) in Yanggengun and the Gaeksa (客舍) in Jipyeonghyeon were rebuilt in 1703 (29th year of the reign of King Sukjong) and 1465 (11th year of the reign of King Sejo), respectively; thus; the Gwan-a must have existed since the early Joseon period.. Third, in Yanggeungun, the Hyanggyo (鄕校) had existed since the early Joseon period, as the Joseon government necessarily established the Hyanggyo in areas where Suryeong were established. The facilities of local Gwan-a in the Joseon period were largely divided into gonghae (公?), educational institutes, and alters. The gonghae was a facility in which the Suryeong and Gwanwon (官員) managed administrative, judicial and military affairs, and consisted of the A-sa (衙舍), Hyeongcheong (鄕廳), Jackcheong (作廳), Gaeksa (客舍), Gungwancheon (軍官廳), and so on. The education institute was called a Hyeonggyo, while alters included the Sajikdan (社稷壇), Seonghwansa (城隍祠) and Yeodan (?壇). Both the Yeongeun and Jipyeong Gwan-a also consisted of such facilities as A-sa, Hyangcheong, Jakcheong, Gaeksa, Gungwancheong, Hyeonggyo, Changgo, Sajikdan, Seonghwangsa, Yeodan, Saryeongcheong, Jiincheong and Gwannocheong. The present sites for both Gwan-as cannot be identified with any certitude. However, they can be roughly identified by connecting the related literatures, oral statements and relics with the principles of spatial organization of local Gwan-a in the Joseon period. ${\bullet}$ Address of the Yanggeun A-sa (Dongheon): the whole of # 15, Gwanmun 1-gil, Yangpyeong-eup (Yanggeun-ri 151) in front of Yanggeun Junior High School at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Yanggeun Gaeksa: around the Yangpyeong police station at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Jipyeong A-sa(Dongheon): the whole of Jipyeong-ri 248-250, Jipyeong-myeon at present. ${\bullet}$ Address of Jipyeong Gaeksa: the whole of Jipyeong-ri 238, Jipyeong-myeon at present.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.80-99
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• 2012

It is known that there are two Gabong taesil (shrine for King's umbilical cord) of King Danjong, the 6th king of Joseon, remaining today. One of them is Mt. Sogok in Sacheon-city, Gyeongsangnam-do and the other is Mt. Beomnim in Seongju-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do. The academic sector argued about this matter as there cannot be two Gabong taesil for one king. I once argued that Taesil on Mt. Beomnim in Seongju is King Danjong's Gabong taesil and Danjong taesil in Sacheon is the one for Prince Inseongdaegun, the eldest son of King Yejong. At that time, however, I had not examined the archaeological relics found in these places. In result of making an archaeological approach, I have come to the following conclusions :1. King Danjong had two Taesil : Agi taesil(shrine for baby's umbilical cord) and Gabong taesil. The first Agi taesil was created on Taebong of Mt. Seonseok in Seongju on November 26, 1441, but was moved to Mt. Beomnim in Seongju in 1451 to form the second Agi taesil. In 1458, King Sejo eliminated his Taesil. The stone structures of Gabong taesil still remains on Taebong of Mt. Beomnim, so it has been assumed that King Danjong established them during his reign (1452-1455). 2. Taesil in Sacheon has been known as King Danjong's Taesil because of King Danjong's reinstatement during the reign of King Sukjong. His Taesil was repaired with the reinstatement and King Sukjong was mistaken that Taesil in Sacheon was King Danjong's Taesil to fix it. The time of restoration has been assumed to be soon after the restoration of King Danjong's tomb (1699-1719). Taesil is missing the book of records and rails around the stone structure because the tombs of reinstated kings were restored without rails. 3. It is incorrect that Taesil in Sacheon was known as King Danjong's Taesil, It has been concluded that this Taesil was for Prince Inseongdaegun who was born in 1462. I focused on the fact that Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil was in Seosamneung Taesil instead of King Danjong's Taesil. When Yiwangjik stored King Danjong's Taesil in Seoul in 1928 and moved it to Seosamneung in 1930, he found that the epitaph on the tombstone recorded that it was Prince Inseongdaegun, not King Danjong, and created Prince Inseongdaegun's Taesil in Seosamneung. I referred to "Taebong", which was created when Seosamneung Taesil was built during the Japanese imperial rule over Joseon, and the relics found in Taesil in Sacheon and Seosamneung.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.31-70
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• 2016

Jongmyo Jeryeak [Royal ancestral shrine music] is a precious cultural heritage, which has been played till now since two great kings Sejong and Sejo who made it. But going through Japanese occupation, Jongmyo Jeryeak has been changed into a music totally different from the music the two kings intended. And the changed Jongmyo Jeryeak is being played these days. The original Jongmyo Jeryeak, which was made by the two kings, remains in old music scores. Therefore there is a need to investigate the differences between the original and current Jongmyo Jeryeak by interpreting the old music scores and recovering the original. This paper recovers the origianl Jongmyo Jeryeak from the music score Daeakhubo and compares it with the current Jongmyo Jeryeak. The results are as follows. The origianl Jongmyo Jeryeak is a set of common songs made with Hyangak and Gochiak to sing the verses which extol royal ancestors' virtues. All of the musical elements are matched with the verses so that the meaning of the verses is transmitted naturally. Jangdan musical time musical structure are matched with the structure of verses, and the musical motif of the songs is matched with the meaning of the verses. The music, which is easy and expresses the meaning of the verses well, demonstrates King Sejong's talent as a musician. The current Jongmyo Jeryeak is a set of special songs in which Sigimsae is emphasized rather than the meaning of the verses. The melodies are broken into pieces inconsistently, the meaningless word 'ae' is added thoughtlessly, and Jangdan musical time musical structure are unrelated to the verses. Therefore the meaning of the verses is not transmitted at all. These changes, which were made during the period of Japanese occupation, seem to desecrate the verses of the original songs. The melodies, which are broken into pieces inconsistently, revive into the current mysterious ritual music through Sigimsae. But in order to be a proper ritual music, some corrections have to be made to convey the meaning of the verses.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.63-91
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• 2009

This study presents an investigation into the Sahyang process and activities of the individuals whose Sahyang(receiving Gwanhyang from the king) was confirmed in the Shilrok documents of early Chosun among naturalized citizens(Hyanghwains). In early Chosun, there were four Chinese(Oh Jin, Lee Min-do, Dang Seong, and Mae Woo) in the Sahyang cases with more of those cases found among Hoigol-in(Seol Jang-soo, an Uighur) and Oioa-guk nationality(Lee Hyeon) from the countries bordering on Western China and two Japanese(Pyeong Sun and Pi Sang-ui). They were naturalized from the reign of King Chungryeol of Goryeo to the first year of King Jeongjong's reign of Chosun. They were diverse to include the great grandfather, grandfather, and father of the individual that received Gwanhyang and himself. There were one case of Sahyang during the reign of King Taejo, four during the reign of King Taejong, one during the reign of King Sejong, and three during the reign of King Sejo. The Gwanhyang they received was wide spread across the nation including Gyerim, Imju, Haeju, Sangju, Milyang, Chungju, Changwon, Dongrae, and Taean. It's very likely that the place of Sahyang was Cheohyang. Many of those who received Gwanhyang were translators and achieved great feats in Chosun's diplomacy with Ming Dynasty and Japan. There were also those who worked in medicine, art of divination, and articles of a criminal code. Seol Jang-su, who passed the state exam of Chosun, was in charge of Jigonggeo, and Lee Min-do and Dang Seong made a contribution to the establishment of Chosun and became big or small meritorious retainers at the founding of Chosun. It's all thanks to those performances that they had the honor of Sahyang of receiving Gwanhyang. Although they were the Gwanhyang with the honor of Sahyang, there is no confirmation of the descendents of the Lee family of Imju, the Pyeong family of Changwon, and the Pi family of Dongrae. While the descendents of the naturalized Chinese still remain in the nation, those of naturalized Japanese ceased to exist, which must be closely related to Chosun's perceptions of other nations those days.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.43
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• pp.7-31
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• 2011

Danjong had suffered the worst misfortune in the history of Lee Dynasty. His throne was usurped by Sejo, his uncle and he was banished to Youngwol where he ended his life for good. Youngwol remembers the last moment of this tragic person clearly through the various traditional stories passed down from the past. In this study, the works assumed to be formed in the contemporary times among Danjong-related stories were targeted. Time of story creation is not known but it could be assumed that the time when heroine of the story was lived may be coincided with the time of traditional story creation, in this story created in a form of experience story. If any objects or elements that may lead to time of traditional story are contained in the story, we may be able to identify the time of traditional story. All of , and were created in the contemporary times. However, these traditional stories are not new at all. If any personal experience story is added on the existing transmitted traditional story, deviation of traditional story near to recreation is taken place. Traditional Danjong story created like this in the contemporary times have some characteristics. First, transmission power of maintaining Danjong story up to the present times was expanded from a nature of misfortune and holiness to general eccentricity. Ability of deity derived from Danjong's grief and grudge is weakened as time goes by and this story is substituted by an amazing things that can be experienced by anybody. Second, at present, Danjong story is transformed to a form of folktale. Danjong story has developed into a myth through deification from a personal legend. This myth is transformed into a folktale everybody can experience in the contemporary times. Third, this story has been recreated in a form of experience story, not a modification. It is said that as the personal experience story is combined with existing traditional stories, a new work of traditional story is created. It could be observed that through contemporary Danjong story, traditional story of historical person could be created in the contemporary times as well and additionally, a process that personal experience story is positioned as a traditional story could be observed. Now is the time to pay attention to various traditional stories being created in the contemporary times like experience stories.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.119-151
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• 2018

This paper is a study of the historical significance of The water and land ceremony performed by Bongeunsa temple in the Joseon Dynasty. The Bongeunsa temple was originally a hermitage named Geungseongam, which was located in the Hakdang-dong, Gwangju County, Gyeonggi Province. After that, Geungseongam was named as Geungseongsa temple. Geungseongsa temple was left in that position and acted as the Temples belonging to Royal Tombs(陵寢寺, TRT) of the King Sungjong, later the name of the temple was changed to Bongeunsa Temple. As a result of movement of the royal tomb of the Joongjong(靖陵) next to the royal tomb of Sungjong, the Bongeunsa was also used as a TRT of the Seonjeongneung royal tomb. After that, the grandson of the King Joongjong, crown prince Soonhoe early passed away, Buddhist shrine (願堂) was set in Bongeunsa temple. Bongeunsa temple remained as a royal prayer place, serving as a Buddhist shrine for crown prince Soonhoe and serving as a Jopo temples for Seonjeongneung royal tomb until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. From the time when it was called Geungseongam to the time after when it was renamed as Bongeunsa Temple, this temple performed The water and land ceremony. But the characters changed little by little. From the King Sejo to King Sungjong, The water and land ceremony characterized Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for prince Gwangpyeong, King Sejong, Queen Soehan and served as the Buddhist memorial praying for the well being of the royal family and people. From the time of the King Yonsan to the time of King Myeongjong, The water and land ceremony had strong characters for Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for King. In the late Joseon Dynasty, Bongeunsa Temple served as the royal party of The water and land ceremony. On the other hand, after the Manchu war of 1636, Bongeunsa Temple also served as the national water and land ceremony for the victims who were killed in the mountains of Namhan. In the Joseon dynasty, The water and land ceremony performed by Bongeunsa Temple was strongly directed for Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for royal family members, and Bongeunsa Temple was maintained as a royal prayer throughout the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.291-325
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• 2014

This study is about examining the changing process of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty. For this, it was compared with book of national rites. This paper will outline the differences of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven between Korea and China and its reason for changing process. Also, it shows the understanding of the historic characteristics of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through analyzing conducted religious service. Following methodological approach was used to achieve the aim of the study. The study includes historical changing process and basic ritual of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven from Koryo dynasaty to King Sejo period through various chronicles and books of rites. Understanding the trend transition of operating commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is expressed differently based on the situation in those days even though it is the same operation of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven. The existing study only primarily considered the rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty through the resources within the country. However, the process of settlement of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven is closely related to settlement of Confucian formality. As the problems cannot be solved if institutional changes are researched only though the resources within the nation, this following study also considered the transition of commemorative rites of worshiping heaven in China for sure. Through this approach, the study understood how China's rites of worshiping heaven settled down and formed in Korea and found differences of the rites of worshiping heaven between the two nations by comparing China's book with ornamental "seal" characters throughout many generations. Furthermore, it also illustrated historical characteristics of rites of worshiping heaven in the end of the Koryo dynasty and early Chosun dynasty by analyzing carried out religious service. Although it seems like there are many similarities of Chinese ritual procedure between Koryo dynasty and Chosun dynasty, there are existing significant differences in the context. Moreover, it is clear that there are differences of ritual between Tang, Song, Ming dynasty. These differences are directly connected to Korea and also with transition of king's power. Generally, Tang and Song dynasty show similar trend whilst Ming clarifies the differences between the two. For instance, there are differences between deep bow and superintendent of cho-hun, a-hun, and jong-hun. Transition of configuration is also one of the major differences. Changing of configuration has considerably important meaning refer to status of king's power. Analyzing specific features, such as size of altar, ancestral tablet, people who participate in sacrifices, okpye, configuration, and etc., made possible to consider the actual differences, not just examining different features of vaguely. Based on this foundation, the study closely examined the differences among the periods between the nations and gave the significance of the differences.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.223-242
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• 2022

The main purpose of this study is to find out the meaning of structural changes that appeared in the royal tombs of the Joseon Dynasty after the application of a compound lime-mortar(Sammulhoe三物灰: the mortar with lime, sand, ocher). In the early Joseon Dynasty, the royal tomb was constructed by following the system of the stone chamber tomb in the Goryeo Dynasty. However the system of the stone chamber tomb recorded in 『GukJo-OReYi(國朝五禮儀: The five category's formalities in the Joseon Dynasty)』 is very different from that in the Goryeo Dynasty. The biggest difference is that a compound lime-mortar was applied into the system of the stone chamber tomb in order to attempt structural reinforcement. This change reflects King Sejong's willingness to build a dense structure in which water does not permeate the stone chamber when Yeongneung(英陵) was built in 1446(the 28th year of King Sejong's reign). Yeongneung is a complex structure consisting of a stone chamber and compound lime-mortar wall. After constructing a stone chamber, the 1.2m(4尺) thick wall with a compound lime-mortar is additionally constructed outside the stone chamber structure. In 1468(the year of King Yejong's accession), according to the will of King Sejo, the stone chamber system was abolished and the Hyeongung(玄宮: the chamber enshrining a coffin of the deceased king or queen consort) was constructed only by the thick wall with a compound lime-mortar. This change become a primary cause for the royal tomb to be constructed as Hoekyukneung(灰隔陵: the royal tomb with chamber constructed only by the thick wall with compound lime-mortar) in the late Joseon Dynasty. The Hoekyukneung in the late Joseon Dynasty has been constructed with the method of structure and construction for the thick wall with a compound lime-mortar since the complex structure recorded in 『GukJo-OReYi(國朝五禮儀)』. The Hoekuykseoksilneung(灰隔石室陵: the complex structure consisting of a stone chamber and compound lime-mortar wall) is unique tomb style of Joseon Dynasty and become a motive of tomb system(Hoekuykneung) in the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.