• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.5-24
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• 2009

This study is aimed to analyze the concept of media consumer and legal principles for consumer movements protection. Based on the concept and legal principles, this research is to review the characteristics of the advertisement boycott campaign. Article 124 of the Constitution prescribes that the state should guarantee the consumer protection movements. According to the Article 4 of the Framework Act on Consumer, consumers have the fundamental right to obtain proper compensation for damages sustained due to use of goods and etc. according to prompt and fair procedure. The type of boycott can be classified into two pattern on the basis of boycott's target or object. They are primary boycott and. secondary boycott. Consumer's boycott independent of primary or secondary, are under the protection of the consumer's right. Media consumers use scarce resources to satisfy their wants and needs to acquire news information and advertising information. Their resources are time and money. Therefore, ads boycott campaign or media boycott campaign is the primary boycott. Consumer's right should be guaranteed to the maximum. The Constitution and consumer protection law should protect the practice of consumer's right, especially consumer's boycott campaign.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.44 no.6
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• pp.327-344
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• 2019

This paper explores the hub-and-spoke system as the structure of the global economic network that presents obstacles for international cooperation. With its exclusive jurisdiction and control over the hub, a powerful state can employ coercive economic measures to compel and deter unwanted behavior of rogue states and even its allies. Against this backdrop, this study analyzes the cases of the US blocking access to its market by Chinese Huawei as well as the case of Japan in restricting trade for highly advanced goods to South Korea. This analysis reveals that both measures are forms of secondary boycotts, which affect not only the entities within their jurisdiction but also others located in third countries. In addition, this paper extends its findings to free trade agreements and offers implications on the outward processing scheme for the Gaeseong Industrial Complex in the KORUS FTA and the Korea-China FTA. These events result in a gray-risk for South Korea, a country that aims to resolve North Korea's denuclearization and inter-Korean economic cooperation.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.191-220
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• 2023

This research attempts to identify how members of an online community collaboratively engaged with particular social information behaviors and accomplished a defined collective action. While responding to the Sewol Ferry tragedy, MissyUSA members quickly communicated and mobilized a collective action, a full-page ad campaign in The New York Times. As a follow up study, this secondary analysis quantitatively analyzes the primary data from a previous study to explore potential relationships or underlying factors among the various identified information behaviors. In this study, nineteen of the previously identified information behaviors were analyzed using exploratory factor analysis, yielding a total of eight factors. The two major factors of shared representation/collective identification and mobilizing resources verified the findings of the previous study and are in line with the findings typical of political science. The three factors of collaborative decision-making, reaction to tension, and brainstorming were factors that maximized communication and mobilization online, without any face-to-face communication or physical organization. Three emergent factors of outburst of dissent, boycott, and planning explained how members used negative emotions of anger, referential information for boycott, and incubated next collective actions. Through exploratory factor analysis, this study verifies and expands on the findings of the previous study by identifying several emergent factors that relate to the collaborative information behaviors of an online community engaged in a collective action.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.69-92
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• 2018

North Korea conducted a total of six nuclear tests from the 1st test of 2006 to September, 2017. North Korea developed an armed forces security strategy at the level of regime protection and defense to respond to U.S. hostile policy. However, it is certain that strategic goals of North Korea's nuclear test were to overcome a crisis in North Korea's regime through US-North Korea negotiation and complete nuclear armed forces for socialist unification on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea's continuous nuclear test is a direct factor in threatening peace on the Korean Peninsula and an indirect factor in security dynamics of Northeast Asia. The U.N. Security Council has enforced sanctions against North Korea through six resolutions against North Korea's reckless nuclear test for the past 10 years. However, Kim Jong-Un's regime is in a position to stick to simultaneous pursuit of nuclear and economic development in spite of anti-North sanction of international society including U.N. and U.S.A. It is understood that North Korea was stimulated to conduct intense nuclear test as U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction was not effective on North Korea. Full-scale and local wars are expected as military options, one of anti-North sanctions of the Trump administration. The Trump administration has attempted diplomatic pressure strategy as a secondary boycott unlike previous administrations. Nevertheless, North Korea has stood against U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction with brinkmanship tactics, announcing full-scale military confrontation against U.S. It is judged that North Korea will pursue simultaneous nuclear weapons and economic development in terms of regime survival. North Korea will have less strategic choices in that its regime may collapse because of realistic national strategy between U.S.A. and China.