Jeongamsa Sumano Stupa(Korean National Treasure No. 332) is a brick like stone stupa and it is considered that this stupa was built in the Later Silla period or in the early part of the Koryo period, considering its structure and style. This Buddhist stupa is highly significant in Korean Buddhism since it was built to enshrine Buddhist sarira reliquaries that 'Jajang' brought from China in the 7th century, according to the 『Overlooked Historical Records of the Three Korean Kingdoms, 『三國遺事』』. However, the stupa was positioned at the very unique location. It was positioned not at the center of Jeongamsa Temple, but at the separate edifice. The location of Jeongamsa Sumano Stupa indicates that this stupa embodies the nature of Mahaparinirvana treasure palaces and that this stupa was recognized as a solemn symbol, which reflected a sarira faith. Jeongamsa Sumano Stupa is the only brick stone stupa built in Gangwon province. It is worth noticing that this stupa was mostly made of dolostones, found around this region, and thereby regional characteristics were reflected in this stupa. The other interesting fact about Jeongamsa Sumano Stupa is that there are many records available which include information about stupa's reconstruction, considering that there aren't many records of other stupas. The most representative records are 5 pieces of memorial stones which include information about when and on what ground the stupa was reconstructed as well as information about originators of the stupa. In conclusion, Jeongamsa Sumano Stupar could be regarded as the academically valuable material since it is considered very important and helpful for understanding not only the history of Korean Buddhist stupas, but also so many other things such as construction techniques, styles of brick pagoda and brick stone stupa, and such.
Recently, there has been an increase in excavation studies of wood pagodas from the Three Kingdoms and Unified Shilla periods and new data related to wood pagoda erection are being found bringing about progress in research on this field. In other words, studies on wooden pagodas in Korea were composed mainly of flat, axis construction techniques and sarijangeomgu, but by acquiring new data, it has now become possible to study not only the stylobate construction procedure and transition, but also studies on restoring wooden pagodas. Furthermore, pagoda sites similar to this were found in China and Japan as well, making it possible to make comparative studies among ancient wooden pagodas possible. In this paper, the main remains were set as Baekjae wooden pagodas, which were the most frequently studied and among the wooden pagodas, the simcho (central base stone) and sarira housing locations. In result, simcho can be found changing its position from underground ${\rightarrow}$ halfway underground ${\rightarrow}$ above ground. Baekjae wooden pagodas up until the mid sixth century located at Neungsan-ri saji (AD 567) and Wangheungsaji (AD 577) had its simcho located underground and later it was constructed halfway underground and then above ground. It was confirmed that in the 7th century, it became customary to place above ground as seen in the Jaeseoksaji (AD639) and Hwangnyongsaji (AD645) wooden pagoda sites. The sarira was usually located on the south side of the simcho, but gradually changed to the center. In particular, sarira were combined in the simcho in the mid sixth century at the Wangheungsaji. This is approximately 11 years earlier than the Bijosa (AD 588) simcho found in Japan and this was not found even in the simcho of wooden pagodas in Yeongnyeongsa (AD 516) and Jopaengseong temple (AD 535~561) of China showing that the Wangheungsaji simcho was the earliest of its kind.
The purpose of this study is to reveal the characteristics, correlations, and colorant materials of those using the chemical compositions of 30 glasses excavated from the Sarari hall of the Mireuksaji stone pagoda, and to determine the correlations between them and other glass excavated from the Wanggungri site. The results of the chemical analysis of the 11 glass beads show that they are a soda glass group with high contents of $SiO_2$ and $Na_2O$; these can be further subdivided into soda-alumina groups ($Na_2O-Al_2O_3-CaO-Si_2O$). The characteristics of the stabilizer are classified as being of the high alumina glass group (LCHA), except for two glasses. It was concluded that colorant materials affected the coloring for glass beads by various components including Ti, Mn, Fe, Cu and Pb. In addition, we examined six lead glasses which are glass plate and unknown fragments that are of a common lead glass system ($PbO-SiO_2$) with respect to the average contents of PbO (70wt.%) and $SiO_2$ (30wt.%). As a result of comparing these relics with those of the glass beads excavated by Wanggungri, there is a similarity in that they belong to the soda glass group. However, the contents of $Na_2O$ are relatively higher than that of the glass beads in the Mireuksaji pagoda, and most of relics include glasses with a low content of $K_2O$ and CaO. In addition, the PbO and $SiO_2$ contents are slightly different in the lead glass. It seems that the glass relics made at two different sites may have used different raw materials or techniques.
The Buddhist reliquaries of these 6 Reliquaries(松林寺, 感恩寺, 法門寺, 慶山寺, 唐招提寺, 法隆寺 玉蟲廚子), when compared with those of China, Japan and Korea in the same period, they worshiped the Buddhist reliquary as a Buddhist God itself and put them as a part of the architectural decoration, being installed in the construction forms. In the form and the composition of the architecture, we can see those having been designed with very detailed and brightly decorated form. The Buddhist reliquaries in the Song-Lim-Sa, Kam-Eun-Sa, Famensi, Qingshansi, Toshodaiji, and the Horyuji Tamamushi Zushi, the most important ones in this research, were in the precious tent and the inner and outer Coffins shapes having completely the altar part, interior space part, and the ceiling part, which inform us the whole structure of the architecture in details. After all these researches, we conclude that the Buddhist reliquaries in form of the Treasure-architecture represented the architectural style of the same period as a form of industrial arts and we can see that they tried to use all of their highly skilled and talented methods to describe the Buddhist Pure Land.
Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
/
v.3
no.2
/
pp.121-142
/
2024
What should death be like for a deeply venerated or highly prominent Buddhist monastic? This question itself does not just pertain to death rituals, funerals, or cremations but also to the entire process, as understood within the tradition, of leaving this realm and entering into another. It is in all of these aspects that something exceptional should be highlighted to exemplify accomplishments of the given individual's religious life, and draw attention to the profound spiritual attainment of that figure that devotees believe lies beyond what is achievable by ordinary humans. The recent death of Venerable Hsing Yun, the founder of Fo Guang Shan, led to plentiful discussions in Taiwanese society from people of all walks of life, spanning scholars to media and citizens. This study will reveal the peculiarities of this interesting case, mainly as it relates to the late master's mortuary rites. In doing so, other monastics who passed away in contemporary times will be brought up for comparison. In addition to its notable innovations and creativity, the focal case of the mortuary rites for Hsing Yun manifests the tension between traditional and modern Buddhist ideologies and practices; especially as these tensions unfold within the Humanistic Buddhist context.
Bong-amsa Temple is a special temple in the custody of Jogye sect, a branch of Buddhism in Korea. Due to limited public access to this temple, its Geungnakjeon(paradise shrine) has been little known to outside. But it is known that the Geungnakjeon has been not yet explored from academic standpoints in terms of its historical establishment as well as applications, and it would be two-storied wooden pagoda or the like. In order to examine its historical establishment, this study investigated historical records related to Bong-amsa Temple and its intrinsic architectural style. As a result, it was estimated that the building was established around the transitional period ranging from the late Koryo dynasty to the early Joseon dynasty. And it was found that the Geungnakjeon is not the two-storied wooden pagoda, but the unique building including an incidental component called Chayanggan(遮陽間; a sort of stepped penthouse) in Korea. In order to examine its possible applications, this study compared this building with other Buddhist funeral articles in forms similar thereto, such as Buddhist pagoda(僧塔), sarira container(舍利器) and Gamnodo(甘露圖) which depicts Byeoknyeon Daeban(碧蓮臺畔; a palanquin carrying malignant spirit). Then, this study estimated its possible applications on the basis of relevant historical literatures. As a result, it was found that this building was used as Wondang(願堂; a sort of Buddhist prayer house) to wish royal family's going to Nirvana after death, and it was not Confucian-style architecture popularized in the era of Joseon dynasty, but Buddhist-style architecture built widely from the era of Koryo dynasty to the early Joseon dynasty.
The purpose of the present study is to trace the provenance of lead raw materials using the lead isotope ratio of 9 lead glasses excavated from the Sarira hole of Mireuksaji stone pagoda and to determine correlation between them and other lead glasses excavated from the Wanggungri site. The results of chemical analysis of the 9 lead glasses show that they are common lead glass system($PbO-SiO_2$) with respect to the contents of PbO (70 wt.%) and $SiO_2$ (30 wt.%). The lead isotope ratios of them plot to northern Korean peninsula when applied to the distribution map of lead isotopes of East Asia. On the other hand, southern Korean peninsula is verified as the main deposits of the lead ore in the distribution map of lead isotopes of South Korea. With respect to the results, it is notable that the provenance of the 9 lead glasses can be very different depending on the distribution map. In addition, a comparative study between them and the lead glasses excavated from the Wanggungri which was built in the same region and period shows that their lead isotopes are highly correlated.
In that the Buddhism is the religion founded by Buddha, the settlement of Buddha's existence is very important in the temple building arrangement which symbolizes the Buddha's world. What symbolizes the Buddha in the temple are the pagoda and the Buddhist image. Among them, the Buddhist image is directly connected with the Golden Hall. This kind of double structure is settled as a typical pattern for the arrangement of buildings such as halls and pagodas. The earlier one between the pagoda and Buddhist image is the pagoda, of course. It can be inferred that, through the gradual expansion of the Buddhist images, the gravity was transferred from the pagoda to the Golden Hall. But, if the Buddhist image can be connected with the Golden Hall in that it was the product reflecting the requests on the Buddha and his teaching, the internal origin of the Buddhist image should also go back to the early Buddhism. In fact, the gravest building in Venuvana - vihara or Jetavana - anaehapindasyarama was the Golden Hall, the Buddha's residence. And in the summit of Grdhrakuta or Jetavana - anaehapindasyarama where Buddha stayed long, there is the gandha - kuti the Buddha's place till now. It means that the symbolic request on the Buddha and his teaching had existed even before the Buddhist image and that this tendency could be connected with the generation of Buddhist image. This paper is to show that the hall / pagoda structure generalized in the building arrangement of later age was originated not just from the Buddhist image and the sarira pagoda but from the gandha - kuti and the hair pagoda, and therefore the two should coexist inevitably. It is an attempt to develop a little more in the ideological perspective the general theory that the pagoda and the Buddhist image were fused into one precinct of temple later in their respective origins. That is, it tries to recognize the relation of pagoda and hall not as the conflicting one but as the complementary one.
This study aims to examine the early use of Da-bo tap and their transformation by analyzing the various meanings of the term pagoda in Chinese translations, the Sanskrit version of the Lotus Sutra, as well as Dabotap in the Mogao Caves of Dunhuang. In addition, we aim to highlight changes in Dabotap usage, which started out as residential spaces, but transformed into burial spaces over time. The details can be summarized as follows. First, early Buddhist monuments were usually either pagodas serving as burial places for the dead or shrines that were not. A Dabotap is a type of pagoda enshrining the body of Prabhutaratna, and was initially used as a residential space, rather than a burial place for the dead. Second, the terms stupa and caitya are clearly distinguished from each other in the Sanskrit scriptures, and stupa is also further classified into dhatu, sarisa, and atmabhava based on the object being enshrined. In Gyeon-bo-tab-pum, the preconditions for caitya to transform into stupa is presented by explaining that worshipping the space enshrining the body of Prabhutaratna is worthy of the same status as the space enshrining sarira. Third, the Mogao Caves of Dunhuang had been depicted from the Western Wei of the Northern Dynasties until the time of the Yuan Dynasty. It was used as a residential space until the early Sui Dynasty, but was used as both residence and burial places until the Tang Dynasty when pagodas were first being constructed with wheel or circles forms on top, which then gradually changed into stupa (grave towers).
The names of Seokgatab and Dabotab are almost generalized among the people along with Bulguksa the most well-known temple in Korea. But, despite this generalized situation, the names of Seokgatab and Dabotab have not secured the clear standpoint till now. It is because the names of Seokgatab and Dabotab can be found only in the 18C documents like and . More complicatedly, in the record of the Goryeo sarira case found during the dismantling of Seokgatab, the name of Seokgatab was 'Mugujeonggwangtab' or 'Seoseoktab'. This paper is to secure the nominal validity of Seokgatab and Dabotab to remove the confusion due to their names and to raise the efficiency of studies related with Bulguksa in the future. First, their names and the problems related with them were summarized in Chapter 2. Based on this critical consciousness, Chapter 3 deals with the tragedy of Asadal related with the creation of the stone pagodas and its symbolic re-interpretation. In this process, we can see that there could be a viewpoint of the great comprehension in them through the completion of 'the Buddhist Nation'. Then, the architectural features of Seokgatab and Dabotab were analyzed in the ritual view point of . Finally, in Chapter 4, on the basis that the viewpoint of one specific sect can not be predominantly applied in the construction of Buddhist land, it is held that Avatamsaka Idea and Saddharma-pundarika Idea can coexist without any conflict. It is shown in the fact that Seokgatab and Dabotab can make harmony together in the Avatamsaka Idea while keeping their names. With these efforts, we can clearly see that the peculiar titles of Seokgatab and Dabotab can be said to secure sufficient validity.
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