• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.21
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• pp.165-183
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• 2004

This paper aims to compare meaning of the seclusion which appeared in Samgukyusa with Kangho-Sijo. There is true meaning of seclusion so that a Bodhisattva implements a spirit. And in Samgukyusa, it has a dialectics logic. There is true meaning of seclusion in order to solve a trouble of a participation-retirement through the moral training. And in Kangho-Sijo, it has a plane-divided logic.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.239-248
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• 1994

This study analyzed a costume historic meaning of TANGUN Mythology. TANGUN Mythology have been transmitted from many literatures but TANGUN Mythology recorded Samgukyusa(II-Yun) is not false piece or a fiction. A Costume historic meaning of TANGUN Mythology was studied in the clothing system meaning of a headgear worn by nobles in court in the Chun-Boo-In three and meaning of bear and tiger. However results are not clear. In addition the Han stones of Wu Liang Tz'u relates to TANGUN Mythology but results also are not manifest.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.136-161
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• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.57-79
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• 2001

[Go-Choseon], the first volume of Samgukyusa, is composed of two parts, the part of myth and that of history. There are very similar divinities between Hwanwoong in the myth of Dangun and YanDi-ShenNong of China: the solar divinity essential for survival of mankind and agriculture, the agriculture divinity said to have taught fanning, the medicine divinity said to have taught the characteristics of herbs and how to prevent diseases, the cultural hero who delivered civilization, and son on. During the transition from the age of myth to the age of history, the roles of gods had changed from the creation of the world to civilization and rule. The roles of Hwanwoong and YanDi-ShenNong were civilization and it was related with their divinities. Hence, regardless of a little difference, the myth of Hwanwoong and that of YanDi-ShenNong were created at the same stage of spiritual and material civilizations of Korea and China. This paper looks at the essence of [Wiseo] and the age of Hwanwoong through historical records. In my opinion, [Wiseo] is not a chinese history' book. The record, "According to [Wiseo] there had been Dangun-Wanggum 2,000 years ago" indicates the time [Wiseo] was written. 'Wi' means Wlman-choseon. Going back about 2,000 years from Wiman-choseon, the historical dates of the establishment of [Go-Choseon] almost dovetails to the age of King 'lao. So, there is a possibility that [Wiseo] is a history book of Wiman-Choseon dynasty which was written to prove the legitimacy of the dynasty by showing it succeeded to the Dangilll-Choseon dynasty. The sentences, "governed the country for 1,500 years" and "conferred Gija the position of king of Choseon" are very important records showing the age of the establishment of Dangun-Choseon. Gija came to Choseon in B.C 1122 when Yin replaced Zhou in the Choinese Continent. From the fact that Dangun had governed Choseon, we could reason out that Go-Choseon was established in B.C. 2622 that is much eariler than the era of king Yao, and that corresponds 'With the era of HuangDi(B.C 2698-2358). Hence, the era of Hwanwoong, the father-god of Dangun, might be later than B.G 3000 which conforms to the era of YanDi-ShenNong(B.C 3218-2600). Therefore, this paper contends lhat Hwanwoong and YanDi-ShenNong played the role of civilization in the same era [Go-Choseon], the first volume of Samgukusa is philologically very valuable material for research on the origin of Korean nation and its ancient history.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.5
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• pp.393-599
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• 2007

In order to restore the Hwangsanbeol Combat at present, it is necessary to make a close examination on the name of the military cops, the number of units, and the numerical strength, an unit organization, and a combat formation. Based on Samguksagi, Samgukyusa, other historical documents and military history information, I tried to restore the Hwansanbeol Combat as follow. The Shilla, at the 7 year of Mooyeol Dynasty, AD. 660, maintained 35 military units. The Shilla committed18 military units from among 35 units to battle against Baekje at the 7 Year of Mooyeol Danasty. The names ofmilitary units are as follow: 1) Daedang, 2) Sangjoojeong, 3) Hajoojeong, 4) Seodang, 5) Nangdang, 6) Eumlihwajeong, 7) Samryanghwajeong, 8) Sosarnjeong, 9) Namcheonjeong, 10) Leehwahaejeong, 11) Kaegeumdang, 12) Geupdang, 13) Nodang, 14) Woonjaednag, 15) Chungdang, 16) Suktoodang, 17) Gwidang, and 18) Soogun. The numerical strength, which the Shilla maintained at the year of A.D. 660, was total 106,353 persons from 35 military units. Shilla committed 57,433 military personnel to combats against the Great Baekche. Ground Forces from the 57,433 personnel were 58,343 persons, and the naval forces were 9,100 persons. Finally, 2,602 persons from among the 9,100 naval forces were only combating forces, and non-combat forces were 6498 persons.

• The Bulletin of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.102.1-102.1
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• 2012

In this paper, we analyzed Korean historical records of the periodic comet Halley in three periods (Three Kingdoms, the Goryeo dynasty, and the Joseon dynasty) using various sources such as Samguksagi (History of the Three Kingdoms), Goryeosa (History of the Goryeo Dynasty), and Joseonwangjosillok (Annals of the Joseon Dynasty). To determine the apparition time of the comet at each return, we referred to the works of Kronk. For the Three Kingdoms period, we could not find any record relevant to Halley's comet from Samguksagi. Instead, we examined the suggestion that the phenomenon two Suns appearing on April 1, 760 (in a luni-solar calendar), which is recorded in Samgukyusa (Renaissance of the Three Kingdoms), indicates an appearance of comet Halley during the daytime. In contrast, we found that all the returns of Halley's comet during the Goryeo dynasty are recorded, although some accounts are questioned. In addition, we found that the appearance of Halley's comet in 1145 is also mentioned in a spirit-path stele made in 1178. For the Joseon dynasty period, we found that all the returns of the comet are recorded, as with the Goryeo dynasty, except for the return of 1910, in which the former dynasty fell. In conclusion, we think that this study will be helpful for understanding Korean historical accounts of Halley's comet.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.92-100
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• 2014

This paper aimed to estimate Heonhwa-ga(獻花歌) background place, Hae-ga(海歌) background place based on the Heonhwa-ga background narrative, The main results are as follows. 1) Heonhwa-ga background place is judged as the area of the rock cliff and its suburbs in Golgok-po(Jigyeong-cheon Bugyeong-ri Namjeong-myeon, Yeongdeog county). 2) Hae-ga background place is judged as the area of the Weolsong-jeong in Uljin county, which is located in two day's distance(about 60km) from Heonhwa-ga background place. 3) Some local governments tend to estimate Heonhwa-ga background place, Hae-ga background place from the viewpoint of place marketing. So such judgement of those local governments is not persuasive.

• Journal of Astronomy and Space Sciences
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.215-223
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• 2014

In this paper, we report the analysis of Korean historical records on the periodic Halley's comet according to the period (i.e., the Three Kingdoms, Goryeo Dynasty, and Joseon Dynasty) using various sources such as the Samguksagi (The History of the Three Kingdoms), Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), and Joseonwangjosillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty). With regards to the apparition time of the comet for each return, we referred to the works of Kronk. For the Three Kingdoms period, we could not find any record relevant to Halley's comet from the Samguksagi. Furthermore, we examined the suggestion that the phenomenon of "two Suns" which appeared on April 1, 760 (in a luni-solar calendar), as recorded in the Samgukyusa (The Legends and History of the Three Kingdoms), indicates an instance of the the daytime appearance of Halley's comet. In contrast with the Three Kingdoms period, we found that all returns of Halley's comet are recorded during the Goryeo Dynasty, although others have questioned some accounts. We also found that the appearance of Halley's comet in 1145 is mentioned in a spirit-path stele made in 1178. For the Joseon Dynasty period, we found that all apparitions of the comet are recorded, as with the Goryeo Dynasty, except for the return of 1910, at which time the former dynasty had fallen. In conclusion, we think that this study will be helpful for understanding Korean historical accounts on Halley's comet.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.333-339
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• 2022

Finding traces of the numerous contexts that exist in our culture surrounding an old-narrative and leading to it's textualization provides a chance to read the story anew. The 'Pieun(避隱)' section of 'Samgukyusa' contains the stories of people who hide from the world and avoid it, as well as the different types of stories by the compiler, the Buddihist monk, Ilyeon. In other words, the compiler has textualized the story. This study aims to attentively analyze the specific story in the 'Pieun' section and read the insights of the compiler on whether to move into the world or hide from the world. Through this analysis, it is apparent that the episode of 'Pieun' does not only illustrate the characters who wish to escape or hide from the world, but it also enables readers to grasp the intention of Ilyeon who deliberately includes the banquet story which is contrary to the meaning of the title. In the 'Pieun', he emphasizes that the behavior of revealing and hiding oneself to and from the world has significant religious and cultural meanings for an individual. The writer, without distinguishing people who move into the world or hide from it, used the Buddhist Dialectictics method to present a different interpretation.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.191-222
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• 2011

Traditionally, the origin of the Han River has been thought as Utongsu(于筒水) and Geumgangyeon(金剛淵). As both of these places are located in Odaesan(五臺山) the $Ma{\tilde{n}}ju{\acute{s}}ri$(文殊) Holy Place, we can well assume the possibility of Buddhist influence on them. In the Buddhist understanding on the origin of the Han River, what we should first notice are 'the recognition on the water of Buddhism' and 'the recognition on the river in Indian culture.' With the reviews, we may come to see by what standpoint these could become existed, if there were Buddhist influences on the recognition of Han River's origin. Based on these Buddhist and Indo-cultural view points, the author tries to make more dearly the definition of Utongsu and Geumgangyeon that are recognized as the origin of the Han River. Through it, we can check the relation of Buddhism and Indian culture in their influence on the concepts of Utongsu and Geumgangyeon. In Indian culture, what is noticed in relation with the origin of the river is Anavatapta, in which the sacredness of the water named the 8 virtuous waters is recorded. It is the materialistic sacredness which can be compared with the sacred feature of Utongsu that "its color and taste are far greater than other waters, and so is its weight. ${\cdots}$ Its color and taste do not change even after it flows into the Han River." Furthermore, both of Anavatapta and Utongsu have the same symbolism of dragon that the highest dragon king and a divine dragon were told to live in respective lakes. This similar structure found in the recognition of two rivers' origin may become an evidence of Buddhist influence on the recognition of the Han River's origin. The recognition of the Han River's origin is based on the traditional culture. Therefore, it may be natural that there is the Buddhist culture in it. At the same time, some viewpoints of Chinese culture can be found in it. So, the traditional recognition on the Han River's origin comprises diversity and complexity of Indian and Chinese cultures together.