• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
• /
• v.10 no.2
• /
• pp.37-49
• /
• 2010

The Samguk-yusa(三國遺事) is one of the two classics of Korean ancient history together with the Samguk-sagi(三國史記); however there has not been any positive attempt to analyse clothing culture centering on the Samguk-yusa until now. Thereupon, this study aims to find the records related to fabrics, color and fashion appearing in the Samguk-yusa, and to analyse the fashion culture of the three kingdoms projected in the Samguk-yusa, referring to the Samguk-sagi and ancient Chinese reference books. According to the records in the book, the fabrics used for clothing of those days included Jikgeum-wimun(織錦爲紋), Geum(錦), Chaebaek(彩帛), Osaek-geumchae(五色錦彩), Geumbaek(錦帛), Geumsam(錦衫), Ma(麻), Neung(綾), Geum-su-neung-ra(錦繡綾羅), Poh(布), Daecho, Bira-geumjeom(緋羅金點), Gyeon(絹). Japchoe(雜綵), Robtyeom(羅緋染). Chimilpoh(緻密布), Gi(綺) and Whan(紈), and they had colors such as brown black(緇), black(黑), purple(紫), yellow(黃), blue(碧), clear white(素), white(白), five colors(五色). There is substantial amoung of report on Buddhism, and the terms used for Buddhist clothing included Beobeui(法衣), Nabeui(衲衣), Bangpoh(方袍), Gasa(袈裟) and Yueui(由衣). It is also ascertained that Gasa had a variety of Bira-geumjeom-gasa(緋羅點袈裟), Manap-gasa(摩納袈裟) and Geumra-gasa(金羅袈裟).

• Acta Via Serica
• /
• v.5 no.1
• /
• pp.57-86
• /
• 2020

This article is an analysis of the tale Munhŭi who bought a dream which has been reported, with few variants, both in Samguk sagi and Samguk yusa. As the tale narrates a very particular and old dream, in which a urine flood forecasts kingship and royalty, it has not been investigated here on the basis of a modern psycho-analytical approach, but within eastern and western ancient cultural patterns regarding humans' consideration for excreta and criteria of dreams interpretation. The research led the author to propose for Munhŭi's dream an archaic (and today lost) archetype of interpretation, whose origin is perhaps to be found in the Ancient Middle-East.

• Journal of The Geomorphological Association of Korea
• /
• v.19 no.4
• /
• pp.73-81
• /
• 2012

This study analyzed and examined the entries of natural disasters recorded in Samguk-sagi in relation to the natural thoughts. In the ancient Korean view of nature thought the Unified Shilla dynasty surveyed their view on nature in terms of terrestrial upheavals. In the first place, I came to know that the important natural disasters such as droughts, floods, hails, locusts, earthquakes, thunderstroke, storms uprooting trees, tornado etc. recorded in Samguk-sagi have something in common with the entries of natural disasters in the ancient Chinese histories. Accordingly, they interpreted natural disasters in terms of good omens and heavenly punishments. The king refrained from luxurious food and drink, released prisoners or reduced their sentence as a sign of his benevolence. They thought that natural disasters were caused by the heavenly instruction due to lack of virtue on the part of the king. I think that these were acts of ritual on the part of the king as a ruler to fulfill his responsibility for a benevolent administration.

• Journal of The Geomorphological Association of Korea
• /
• v.18 no.4
• /
• pp.153-162
• /
• 2011

This study analyzed and examined the entries of natural disasters recorded in Samguk-sagi in relation to the mythological thoughts. In the ancient Korean view of nature thought the Three Kingdoms surveyed their view on nature in terms of natural calamities and terrestrial upheavals. In the first place, I came to know that the important natural disasters such as droughts, floods, hails, locusts, earthquakes, landslides, storms uprooting trees, tornado recorded in Samguk-sagi have something in common with the entries of natural disasters in the ancient Chinese histories. Accordingly, they interpreted natural disasters in terms of good omens and heavenly punishments. The king refrained from luxurious food and drink, released prisoners or reduced their sentence as a sign of his benevolence. they thought that natural disasters were caused by the heavenly instruction due to lack of virtue on the part of the king. I think that these were acts of ritual on the part of the king as a ruler to fulfill his responsibility for a benevolent administration.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
• /
• no.37
• /
• pp.47-73
• /
• 2018

This thesis aims to find out the purpose of recording . I tried to understand the reason that the compiler of included this song in the record of King Yuri. The result of tracking the intention of the compiler in this thesis is as follows. I think that was chosen as a symbol of King Yuri's character, especially connected with his inner side. By introducing a hobby that contained the inner side of King Yuri, the compiler implied that his failures and mistakes in subsequent governments stem from human limitations that did not adequately refine his qualities. I think that the compiler who showed the character of King Yuri through only one short song also showed the highest level of enjoying poetry. The enjoyment of literature is a pleasure in understanding the life of someone through literature and bring it back into their lives. In this respect, by pursuing the intend of the compiler, we will be close to the value of the song, .

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.59 no.5
• /
• pp.180-201
• /
• 2009

I scrutinized the idea that Parhae Marek was inherited from Kokuryo which was presented in "The study on the Marek" published in the journal of the Korean Society of Costume 55-5, and concluded the following results: 1. The Marek which Samguk sagi recorded is the red head scarf used for dancers who do Koguryo dance in the Babarian Music System in Tang dynasty. Since its original record Tong dian tells that Kokuryo performers' costumes then had strikingly changed and Quichi and GaoChang dancers also wore Marek, so the idea that Marek was originated from Koguryo should be reconsidered. 2. Considering the Yaksoori mural's indistinguishable condition as well as the same scenes from other Kokuryo mural paintings, I can't evidently tell that the first person who carries shouldering drum puts Marek on. 3. should be pronounced [Mal] for the meaning of a head scarf and its definition can't be limited only for the sash type. 4. Diverse historical data on head scarves deny the assumption that the sash type of hairband would have been succeeded from Kokuryo to the Parhae Marek. 5. The Marek of Princess Junghyo's mural painting can be an example that shows the costume of Tang influenced Parhae's. But the similarity in styles of costume between contemporary countries doesn't mean their reciprocal racial or political identity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.51 no.4
• /
• pp.170-191
• /
• 2018

Until now, the Korean archeological community has only been able to introduce the findings of classical archaeology developed in the West, and it also suffers from a lack of concepts and academic achievements. The domestic archeological community also started to develop later than that of the West, when it began to analyze ancient history and relics through the classic works of history titled Samguk sagi (三國史記) and Samguk yusa (三國遺事). Furthermore, it is actively utilizing the Chinese classics, such as the Samgukji (三國志) and Huhanseo (後漢書), as well as certain Japanese classics such as Ilbonsegi (日本書紀). Due to the total lack of domestic classics, however, there are few details about the formation of ancient polities, national changes, and inter-country negotiations and exchanges, as well as numerous other unresolved issues. This study raises the need to revamp classical archaeology in order to solve these problems. The concept of classical means 'all records made in the past' in the shallow sense, while the meaning of the historiography means "historical records according to the taxonomy of the old book." Classical archaeology is a field in which the classics are analyzed and interpreted so as to study the culture of the past. This section has set up a wide range of classical categories, and has found that the classics can be used in a meaningful way in classical archaeology through the use of the Gongjagae (孔子家語). The use of the classics in classical archaeology could produce significant results if the relevant DB is managed by various institutions and organizations using proper techniques of analysis including big data analysis.

• Journal of Astronomy and Space Sciences
• /
• v.21 no.1
• /
• pp.39-72
• /
• 2004

We present a more complete and accurate catalogue of astronomical records far meteor showers and meteor storms appeared in primary official Korean history books, such as Samguk-sagi, Koryo-sa, Seungjeongwon-ilgi, and Chosen-Wangjo-Sillok. So far the catalogue made by Imoto and Hasegawa in 1958 has been widely used in the international astryonomical society. The catalogue is based on a report by Sekiguchi in 1917 that is mainly based on secondary history books. We observed that the catalogue has a number of errors in either dates or sources of the records. We have thoroughly checked the primary official history books, instead of the secondary ones, in order to make a corrected and extended catalogue. The catalogue contains 25 records of meteor storms, four records of intense meteor-showers, and five records of usual showers in Korean history. We also find that some of those records seem to correspond to some presently active meteor showers such as the Leonids, the Perseids, and the n -Aquarids-Orionids pair. However, a large number of those records do not correspond to suck present showers. This catalogue we obtained can be useful for various astrophysical studies in the future.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
• /
• no.37
• /
• pp.217-252
• /
• 2018

In the [Samguk sagi], is the origin story of , a Pansori novel from the late Joseon period. is derived from an Indian folktale. This article examines the narrative changes from the Indian folktale. Through this, I attempt to examine how the short fable developed into a fascinating story with numerous variants like . The five kinds of stories that I have observed all indicate the development of a common narrative. They also have a common character: terrestrial animals, deputy, and aquatic animals. However, in the original story, the more the character is brought up, the greater the persuasiveness of the action. In addition, the scale of the conflict expands due to the reorganization of the incident. Moreover, the theme of the narrative has diversified by utilizing the space as a contrast. Discussions reveal that a single story or storyteller does not create a fascinating story. The implication being that several narratives and numerous people together make the narrative changes.

• The Journal of Korean Medicine
• /
• v.28 no.3 s.71
• /
• pp.70-85
• /
• 2007

Objectives : Considering the indigenousness of Korean medicine, the historical record was first introduced in 1946 as follows; a Chinese person, Ji-chong (知聰), brought 164 volumes of medical books to Japan via Goguryeo (高句麗) in A.D. 562. Since this event happened, Korean Oriental Medicine has been derived from Traditional Chinese Medicine because ancient Korean Medicine originated and was developed in China. The purpose of this study was to investigate the existence and role of Ji-chong in the history of medical exchanges between ancient Korea and Japan. Methods : We studied Ji-chong through ancient and modern historical literatures such as Nihon Shoki (日本書紀), the record of $Shinsen-sh{\bar{o}}jiroku$ (新撰姓氏錄), Korean Medical History (韓國醫學史), Japanese Medical History (日本醫學史), Samguk Sagi (三國史記), etc. Results : We found indications of the existence of Ji-chong and the import of Chinese medical literature to the ancient Korean peninsula by examining domestic and foreign historical literature. Especially, he was closely related to historical assumptions about the Japanese conquest of Goguryeo in A.D. 562, although without objective historical evidence and described only in modern Japanese historical records and Korean Medical History. However, substantial medical exchange toward Japan was accomplished by Korean medicine of either Goguryeo, Baekje (百濟), or Silla (新羅) dynasty until the late A.D. 6 century. Conclusions : Based on the above investigation, the idea that Ji-chong carried medical literature via Goguryeo in A.D. 562 needs to be reconsidered and the role of Ji-chong as recorded in a variety of literature and databases should be amended., Korean Oriental Medicine has been derived from Traditional Chinese Medicine because ancient Korean Medicine originated and was developed in China. The purpose of this study was to investigate the existence and role of Ji-chong in the history of medical exchanges between ancient Korea and Japan. Methods : We studied Ji-chong through ancient and modern historical literatures such as Nihon Shoki (日本書紀), the record of Shinsen-$sh{\bar{o}}jiroku$ (新撰姓氏錄), Korean Medical History (韓國醫學史), Japanese Medical History (日本醫學士), Samguk Sagi (三國史記), etc. Results : We found indications of the existence of Ji-chong and the import of Chinese medical literature to the ancient Korean peninsula by examining domestic and foreign historical literature. Especially, he was closely related to historical assumptions about the Japanese conquest of Goguryeo in A.D. 562, although without objective historical evidence and described only in modern Japanese historical records and Korean Medical History. However, substantial medical exchange toward Japan was accomplished by Korean medicine of either Goguryeo, Baekje (百濟), or Silla (新羅) dynasty until the late A.D. 6 century. Conclusions : Based on the above investigation, the idea that Ji-chong carried medical literature via Goguryeo in A.D. 562 needs to be reconsidered and the role of Ji-chong as recorded in a variety of literature and databases should be amended.