• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.3-11
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• 2007

We study, in this paper, on the decorative design of the Treasure-architectural form for the Silla Buddhist reliquary and this research went through the observation on the Buddhist Reliquaries of the Song-Lim-Sa, the Eastern-Western three floor pagodas in the Kam-Eun-Sa, the three floor pagodas in the Bul-Guk-Sa and the reportedly discovered Nam-Won. The Buddhist reliquaries of these 5 Reliquaries, when compared with those of China and Japan in the same period, they worshiped the Buddhist reliquary as a Buddhist God itself and put them as a part of the architectural decoration, being installed in the construction forms. In the form and the composition of the architecture, we can see those having been designed with very detailed and brightly decorated form. The Buddhist reliquaries in the Song-Lim-Sa and Kam-Eun-Sa, the most important ones in this research, were in a royal palace shape having completely the altar part, interior space part, and the ceiling part, which inform us the whole structure of the architecture in details. In particular, for the case of Kam-Eun-Sa, the columns in the shape of bamboo trees, the expression of the gates, the terrace of double parts formed of word-shape Man, and the statue of a general with superhuman ability in the shrine explain us the description of the Gyun-Bo-Tap-Pum of Lotus Sutra. After all these researches, we conclude that the Buddhist reliquaries in form of the Treasure-architecture represented the architectural style of the same period as a form of industrial arts and we can see that they tried to use all of their highly skilled and talented methods to describe the Buddhist Pure Land.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2019.05a
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• pp.223-223
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• 2019

기후 변화에 따른 해수면 상승은 해안 지하수의 해수침투를 야기해 해안 지하수의 염도를 증가시킨다. 또한 해수면 상승은 토양 염류화를 심화시켜 농작물에 피해가 발생하며, 지하수위를 증가시켜 불포화대의 토양두께가 감소한다. 이처럼 지하수 해수침투가 발생하는 포화대와 토양 염류화가 발생하는 불포화대는 서로 연관되어 있지만, 대부분 포화대와 불포화대 연구는 별도로 진행되어왔다. 본 연구에서는 해안 간척지의 해수면 상승에 따른 포화대의 해수침투 및 불포화대의 토양염류화 영향을 연계하여 모의하였다. 포화대 모의는 미국지질조사국(United States Geological Survey, USGS)에서 개발한 3차원 이송확산 모델인 SUTRA, 불포화대 모의는 미국환경청(United States Environmental Protection Agency, USEPA)에서 개발한 1차원 이송확산모델인 VADOFT를 사용하였다. 해수면 상승 시나리오는 IPCC에서 공표한 바와 같이 RCP 4.5와 RCP 8.5 시나리오를 사용하였고, 미래 2100년까지 자료를 사용하였다. 해수면 상승 시나리오에 따라 해수침투 및 토양염류화 면적 그리고 지하수위 및 불포화대 토양두께를 정량적으로 산정하였다. 한반도 91개 간척지에 대해서 모의를 수행하였고, 과거 대비 미래 후반기 RCP 4.5 시나리오에서는 지하수 해수침투 면적이 $82.19km^2$, RCP 8.5 시나리오에서는 $83.71km^2$ 증가하는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 토양 염류화 면적은 과거 대비 미래 후반기 RCP 4.5 시나리오에서는 $22.25km^2$, RCP 8.5 시나리오에서는 $24.86km^2$ 증가하는 것으로 나타났다. 담수호 또는 저수지가 있는 대상 지역에서는 해안선으로부터 거리 및 관리 수위가 해수 침투를 야기시키는 중요한 요인으로 나타났으며, 해수침투 저감을 위해서는 해안선 인근 저수지 수위의 적절한 유지관리가 필요할 것으로 판단된다. 본 연구에서는 해수면상승에 따른 해안선의 위치변화와, 기존 관정에서의 양수량, 강수량 변화를 고려하는 것에 한계가 있기 때문에, 향후 위의 세 가지 사항을 복합적으로 고려한 추가 연구가 필요하다고 사료된다.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.151-160
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• 2018

There is a variety of opinions about the first translation activities within the Turkic Empire. It is widely believed that some Buddhist sutras were translated into the Turkic language in the period of Taspar Qagan (572-581). This theory is based on certain arguments: Some Turks practiced Buddhism, Buddhist monks translated sutras in the center of the Turkic Empire, Taspar brought sutras from China and had them translated, and the monarch of Northern Qi had a sutra translated and sent to Taspar. However, in my opinion, these arguments lack credibility. This article, which is based on primary Chinese sources, will question the likelihood of such translation activities having occurred. Some Chinese records for these claims exist: Da Tang Nei Dian Lu (大唐內典錄) and Xu Gao Seng Chuan (續高僧傳) by the Buddhist monk Jinagupta and the records of Hui Lin in Sui Shu (隋書) and Wen Xian Tong Kao (文獻通考). These are known as "primary sources." Secondary sources, namely contemporary history and language studies, such as those in books and articles, must be based on primary sources. It can be seen that claims relating to the first Turkic translation activities at the time of Taspar are mainly derived from secondary sources, and that the arguments in these secondary sources vary. Sometimes researchers make suppositions on the existence of information that is not referred to in primary sources. However, this is not normal practice. If a researcher relies on unknowns for the evidence of information existing, it can cause false information, ideas and anachronisms to be created. It is important that primary sources, such as the Chinese sources mentioned above, be translated correctly in language and history studies. If only a word is mistranslated, very different results may occur. Mistranslating or misinterpreting a primary source allows conclusions to be reached that are not supported by dissemination of information from primary sources. This can mislead experts and result in information that is not correct being considered as being true. As well as helping to prevent such misinterpretations occurring, another aim of this paper is to question the interpretations of the first Turkic translations in contemporary studies on history and language. The origin of such assessments will be explored and the validity of that information will be examined.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.47-60
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• 2023

Due to a mistranslation of Sanskrit to Chinese, East Asian Buddhist community misunderstands the original meaning of the fundamental word, 'sachal(寺刹)'. Sanskrit chattra, a parasol on top of a venerated Indian stupa buried with Buddha's sarira, became the symbol of majesty. The Indian stupa was transformed into a pagoda in China, and the highlighted parasol on the summit was transliterated into chaldara(刹多羅), an abbreviation for chal (刹), and finally designated the whole pagoda(塔). Sachal consists with lying low monastery and high-rise pagoda. Tapsa(塔寺), an archaic word of temple, is exactly the same as sachal, because chal means tap, pagoda. However, during the 7th century a Buddhist monk erroneously double-transliterated the Sanskrit 'kshetra,' meaning of land, into the same word as chal, even despite phonetic disaccord. Thereafter, sutra translators followed and copied the error for long centuries. It was the Japanese pioneer scholars that worsen the situation 100 years ago, to publish Sanskrit dictionaries with the errors insisting on phonetic transliteration, though pronunciation of 'kshe-' which is quite different from 'cha-.' Thereafter, upcoming scholars followed their fallacy without any verification. Fallacy of chal, meaning of land, dominates Buddhist community broadly, falling into conviction of collective fixed dogma in East Asia up to now. In the Buddhist community, it is the most important matter to recognize that the same language has become to refer completely different objects due to translation errors. As a research method, searching for corresponding Sanskrit words in translated sutras and dictionaries of Buddhism is predominant. Then, after analyzing the authenticity, the fallacy toward the truth will be corrected.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.19
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• pp.47-80
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• 2005

고구려는 지리적인 조건으로 말미암아 삼국 가운데 가장 먼저 불교를 수용할 수 있었으며 5세기부터 7세기사이에 고구려의 불교문화가 백제, 신라와 고대 일본에 전해져 동아시아 전체에 보급되었다. 불교 전래 당시부터 고구려 왕실이 열성적으로 불교를 신봉한 일은 충분히 주목할 가치가 있는데, 왜냐하면 중앙 집권적 국가로 전환을 시도하던 때 마침 불교의 사회적 정치적 가치를 인식하게 되었기 때문이다. 불교와 왕권이 상호 관계를 강화하는 쪽으로 힘을 결집시켰는데, 왕실은 불교에 대해서 후한 지원을 아끼지 않았으며, 불교는 전륜성왕, 혹은 우주를 지배하는 자, 미륵 그리고 보살 등 모티브의 상징적 중요성을 통치자에게까지 확대시킴으로써 통치자의 지위를 신성시하는 이념적 기틀을 제공하였던 것이다. 이런 맥락에서 볼 때 불교를 받아들인 후에 세워진 비문들이 왕명 앞에 성(聖) 자를 붙여 왕의 지위를 신성화하는 의미를 나타내고 있다는 점은 우연의 일치가 아니다. 4세기말 국가 차원에서 불교를 수용한 고구려와 6세기초 법흥왕 당시의 신라는 시대적인 차이가 있으나, 국가 발전의 같은 단계에 서있었기 때문에 이 두 나라의 초기 불교 정책에 많은 유사점을 찾을 수 있다 고구려에서 거칠부와 더불어 신라로 넘어 온 혜량법사가 진흥왕 12년에 처음 개최된 백고좌강회는 《인왕경》에 입각한 것이며, 이 법회가 신라인의 사상적 통합과 진흥왕의 위업을 향상하는 데 기여하였다고 여겨진다. 그리고 진흥왕이 말년에 승복을 입고 법운이라는 법호를 택했는데 여기서 주목할만한 것은 법운(法雲)이 《십지경》에서 말하는 보살의 수행 최종 단계 그것에서 따온 것이며, 《십지경》은 이미 고구려에 익히 알려졌을 것이었다.신라 화랑이 미륵의 현현으로 여겨졌다 함은 일찍부터 지적되어 온 것입니다만 이 논문에서, 그것은 북중국에서 5·6세기경 유행한 그리고 소미륵으로 간주된 월광동자 (月光童子)신앙이 고구려를 통해 남하여 화랑의 사상적인 바탕이 됐다는 것으로 이해하였다. 그 증거로 《수라비구월광동자경》에 나타난 용어와 고대 한반도의 지명을 들 수 있는데 이 경은 고구려의 선인(仙人) 사상 및 신라의 화랑을 간접적으로 직결시킨다는 점도 염두 할 필요가 있다.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.224-243
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• 2020

The rock-cut relief of two Buddhas seated side-by-side in Wonpungri is a large Buddha sculpture in relief on the side of a cliff in Wonpung-ri, Goesan. This Buddha sculpture is from the Buddhist scripture Sutra of the Lotus. <法華經> Two seated Buddhas statues were prevalent in the Balhae Kingdom, but this was not popular in Silla and Goryeo. In the main text, the time that the two seated Buddhas in Wonpung-ri was created is identified as being during the 10th century. King Gwangjong created a Buddha statue for political purposes. The relief of two seated Buddha image carved on a cliff is located on an important traffic route over the Sobaek Mountain Range. After King Gwangjong took the throne, he paid close attention to the reigning powers of Jincheon and Cheongju because the people of Jincheon and Cheongju were engaged in a power struggle against Gwangjong. The huge relief of two seated Buddhas statue shows the authority of King Gwangjong. In particular, the people of Jincheon and Cheongju had to see this Buddha statue when crossing the Sobaek Mountain Range. The image contained in the relief of the two seated Buddhas features many characteristics of the sculpture style of the Balhae Kingdom. After the fall of Balhae, many of the Balhae people settled in Mungyeong. Balhae people from Mungyeong participated in the production of the relief of the two seated Buddhas. Through the relief of the two seated Buddhas, King Gwangjong wanted to show the people of Jincheon and Cheongju that the Balhae people were supporting him. The relief of two seated Buddhas reflects the historical situation of the King Gwangjong era in the late 10^th century and the style of sculpture.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.1-21
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• 2003

In this paper the characteristics of the script centers golden and/or silver letter center in Koryo Dynasty and a set of seven rolls of the script written in silver letter on blue paper prayed by Yearn Seong-Ik were studied with focusing on the referred records and an epilog of the script. This script was discovered from Namgewon's stone stupa, when it was transported from original site of Daekam Dong, Kaiseong city to Kyungbok Palace in 1919. This script prayed by Yeom Seong-Ik which was written in silver paste on blue papers is a set of seven rolls, the size is 31.1 cm (length) ${\times}$ 27.2 cm (width). The cover painting and Beonsangwha(Buddha's preaching picture) were painted out and in the roll cover. This script was written with 14 letters on a line whose characteristic with the style of cover painting and Beonsangwha is similar to the golden and silver scripts prayed by kings of Koryo Dynasty. The person who prayed this script was a powerful vassal of the king Chungyeol period, Yeom Seong-Ik. According to Koryosa(Koryo History) and Koryosa jeolyo(summarized Koryo History), it is described that Yeom Seong-Ik offered his own house which was built by a group of strangers as a 'Writing Place for the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras and the place of the script of the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras. Therefore, it is possible to consider that this script a set of seven rolls of the script of Saddharma Pundarika-Sutra was written to pray for himself as well as his families' fortune at the place of golden script of the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras, and enshrined it in the Namgaewon stone stupa when the stupa was repaired in 9th year of king ChungYeol. Above all the most important point should be centered on that he offered his house as a writing place for golden script of the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras as recorded in Koryosa Jeolyo. The writing place for golden script of the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras should be emphasized on the meaning of its site. It is an important key point to clear that Kumjawon(Golden letter center) would be different from Kumjadejangso(the writing place of golden script for complete collection of Budihist Sutras) with Kumkyungsa(Goldm script place). As considereing the point that this script showed the characteristics of golden and/or silver scripts which prayed by king Chungyeol in Koryo Dynasty as they were, even though this script was manufactured by individual praying, this script follwed in the style of Kumjawon(golden letter center) and/or Unjawon(siIver letter center) as they were, because this script was written in the place of the golden script for the complete collection of Buddhist Sutras. In this paper all of the points described above with focusing on the referred records and an epilog of this script were collectively considered to make clear the characteristics of the script centers, golden and/or silver letter.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.238-259
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• 2021

Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.215-247
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• 2021

In Buddhism, there are specific terms related to miracles and miraculous acts such as the Sanskrit term, abhijñā, which was translated as into Chinese characters as shintong (神通). This term implies the six supranormal powers. It originally meant 'direct knowledge,' 'high knowledge,' or 'knowledge beyond the common senses,' which was understood as a superhuman and transcendental ability possessed by Buddhas, Bodhisattvas, and noblemen. However, this took on different meanings and morphed into different terms later in India and China. This article analyzes the subject, object, type, and purpose of these shintong, focusing on the Sutra for the Householder Kaivarti (堅固經, Gyeonggo-gyeong, Kaivarti-sūtra) from the Longer Discourses (長阿含經, Jang-Ahamgyeong, Dīrghâgama) and exemplary Buddhist texts such as the Sanskrit, In Praise of the Acts of the Buddha (佛所行讚, Bulsohaengchan, Buddhacaritam) and the Chinese Records of Eminent Monks (高僧傳, goseungjeon) and Continued Records of Eminent Monks (續高僧傳, Sok-goseungjeon). The historical evolution and changes to the meaning of Shintong in Indian and Chinese contexts can be observed through these texts. In the Sutra for the Householder Kaivarti, the Buddha said that there are three kinds of Shintong: supranormal footedness (神足, shinjok, ṛddhi-pāda), mindreading (觀察他心, gwanchaltashim, anya-mano-jñāna), and education (敎誡, gyogye, anuśāsana). Among them, supranormal footedness (multiplying one's body, teleportation, flying, walking on water, etc.) and mindreading were denied because, at that time, claims of this nature were used to appeal to people's emotions and inspire sincerity, but this was of no use in conveying the Buddha's teaching. On the other hand, education, acquired only with through enlightenment, was sanctioned as a shintong unique to Buddhism. However, in In Praise of the Acts of the Buddha, supranormal footedness and mindreading were described as important ways to lead people to enlightenment, while education pertained to the whole of spiritual work. In China, Buddhism was a foreign religion at first, and it urgently sought to be accepted. After the increase of its religious influence, introspection on discipline and practice was meant to firmly deepen its roots. In line with this, shintong and miracles were transformed and expanded to suit the Chinese cultural context. Such changes in Buddhist history are well illustrated by the shini (神異, miraculous powers) described in Records of Eminent Monks and the gamtong (感通, penetration of sensitivity) detailed in Continued Records of Eminent Monks. In Records of Eminent Monks, the subject of shini was that of eminent monks and its objects were those who did not know of Buddhism or believe in it. In Continued Records of Eminent Monks, however, the monks themselves could be objects of shini. The change of object suggests that the purpose had shifted from edification to awareness and self-reflection. Shini focused on edification, whereas gamtong re-emphasized the importance of the pure discipline and practice of monks during the 6^th and 7^th centuries when China became predominantly Buddhist.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.26
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• pp.221-232
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• 1995

It was aimed to study the costume of Koryo dynasty based upon the one hundred and thirty four pictures of the engraved painting on the wood. The costume to study were made about 400 years during the King Mok-jong(1006) to the forth year of the king Wu based upon the Avatamaka Sutra and Pulsul-Yaesu 가) Men's wear 1. Hair style and hair dress ; Man tied up a top knot and they put on the hat such as a Kuan, Kun, and Mo. The young boys binds his hair up one, two, and three knots. 2. Clothes : 1) King wore an uniform of Mien-lu Kuan system. 2) The Crown Prince and high rank officials wore Yuan-yu-Kuan Won-jung-po-ju-Kuan, Sa-bang-Kuan, Yun-wha-Kuan and montain shape Po-ju-Kuan as a court dress. 3) Officials put on the Pok-du as an official dress and Won-jung-ip-mo, Kun and Mo as an everyday dress, the monk put on the diamond shape Do-kuan and Du-kun and the soldier put on the Helmet. Costume system of man was as follows ; They wore exchanged shape collar, big sleeve jacket, long skirt, apron, hanging precious stone big belt as a Mien-pok. 4) The soldiers wore helmet, Keun-Kap, Scarf, Pee-Bak, Hung-Kap, Pok-Kap, Yang-Dang-Kap, We-Yo-Kap, Kum-Kap, and caries arms. Lower-level officials wore Pe-Bal, Kun-Mo, gae, won-leung, very small sleve jacket, a long coat reaching up to the knee length, slacks, belt, loin cloth and apron. 5) Children's bind their hair up angle shape and wore a half long jacket raching up to the hip and slacks. 나) Women's wear; 1. hair style and hair dress; 1) High rank women's hair style was very extravaganceful. They made their hair top knot (one, two, or more knots) and decoraed precious stone, pan shape head dress, wheel shape head dress, and flower shape precious stone decorated head dress. 2. Clothes ; 1) High rank ladi's wore Kun-Kyun attached jacket, and jacket sleeves decorated pleats, and pleats decorated long skirt, apron, back apron, knot belt, scarf, this type is the same with Dang Dynasty, five dynasty of china, Song, Kum, Won, Myung Dynasty, and our costume of Poe-hae, and Shilla Dyansty. 2) Official ladies wore exchange shape collor, big sleeve jacket, long pleats skirt, apron, and back apron, scarf. 3) Women wore top knot hair style and decorated by ribbons. Shoulder scarf attached small sleeve jacket and wore reaching up to the knee length. Side seam is open and under wear was long skirt. 4) High knot hair style and exchanged shape collor jacket, under wear wore long skirt. They wore under skirts and the jackets. 5) High knot hair style, exchange shape collor jacket reaching up to the knee length small sleeve under wear wore long skirt, belt. 6) High knot hair style, big sleeve jacket and long skirt. 7) Foot wear wore boots, mokasin type shoes, sandal.