• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.3
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• pp.91-113
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• 2001

History always be re-interpreted as the time flows. 'The Sillok', Which was registered in Memory of World of UNESCO in 1997, is comprehensive documents of the Chosun Dynasty, which had been compiled after kings' death, The Sillok encompasses 473 years of the reign in their 848 volumes(1,893 chapters). It was a history itself and has been main source in studying Korean history. Due to the rise of studies on the Sillok, time has come to explore the nature of the Sillok and to criticize the text, which would be called 'The Sillok-Study'. In this context, this paper examined three concepts that categorize the nature of the Sillok as historical materials ;Is it book or record?; The Sillok in register system in pre-modern society; And the Sillok as the National Archives. Korean historians, including myself, haven't yet examined the question whether the Sillok is the Book or Record in terms of archival science. At first, I regarded it as history book, and with this presupposition, wrote several papers on the characteristics of the Sillok. However, I recognized that the Sillok are close to record rather that history book as I examined the definition of glossary of librarian study, OED (Oxford English Dictionary) and Encyclopedia of Britannica, etc. Definitely, the Sillok was neither compiled and published to be read and sold publicly, nor meant to the works of literature or scholarship. one may say that the court-historians wrote comments on the facts and therefore it was just scholarly work. However, because the court-historians produced their comments on their own businesses, the outcome of 'their scholarly works' were also records conceptually, as were daily court-journalists in Rome. Its publication also had a absolutely different meaning from that of modern society. It was a method to preserve the important national records and distributed each edition of them to plural repositories for its safety and security. How can we explain its book-like shape and the procedure of compilation after a kings' death. The answer is as follows ; In pre-modern society, it was a common record-keeping system in the world to register records materials in order to arrange the materials of different sizes and to store them conveniently. And the lack of scientific preservation or conservation skill also encouraged them to register original records. Actually, the court-historians who participated in the compiling process called themselves "registering officers". On the other hand, similar to social hierarchy, there was a hierarchical system of records, and the Sillok was placed at the top of this hierarchy. In conclusion, the Sillok was a kind of registered records in the middle ages and the supreme records in the records-world. In addition to this we can also conceptualize the Sillok as archives. Through the compiling process, the most important and valuable records were selected to be the parts of Sillok. This process corresponds to the modem records appraisal. In the next step, it was preserved in the Four Archives(史庫) which located at remote site as archives and only accessible by the descendents in the future, who might be the people of the next dynasty. And nobody could access or read the documents at that time except the authorized court-historians who were archivists of the Chosun Dynasty. From this perspective, I conclude that Sillok was the supreme confidential archives in the register system. I work for the Government Archives as a historian and archivist. Whenever I entered the exhibition hall of the Government Archives and Records Service(GARS) and saw the replica of the Archives of Taebeak Mountain built during Chosun period, I always asked to myself a question whether the Sillok can be a symbol of the archival tradition of Korea and the GARS. Now, I can say, 'Yes!' definitely.

• Journal of the Mineralogical Society of Korea
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.295-306
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• 2018

Despite the utility of solid-state NMR, NMR studies of iron-bearing silicate glasses remain a challenge because the variations in the peak position and width with increasing iron content reflect both paramagnetic effect and iron-induced structural changes. Therefore, it is essential to elucidate the effect of temperature on the NMR signal for iron-bearing silicate glasses. Here, we report the $^{29}Si$ and $^{27}Al$ MAS NMR spectra for $(Mg_{0.95}Fe_{0.05})SiO_3$ and $Fe_2O_3$-bearing $CaAl_2Si_2O_8$ (anorthite) glasses with varying spinning speed to interpret the NMR spectra for iron-bearing silicate glasses. The increase in the spinning speed results in an increase in the sample temperature. The current NMR results allow us to understand the origins of the changes in NMR signal with increasing iron content and to provide information on the dipolar interaction between nuclear spins. The $^{29}Si$ NMR spectra for $(Mg_{0.95}Fe_{0.05})SiO_3$ glass and $^{27}Al$ NMR spectra for $Fe_2O_3$-bearing $CaAl_2Si_2O_8$ glasses show that the peak shape and position of iron-bearing glasses do not change with increasing spinning speed up to 30 kHz. These results suggest that the NMR signal in the Fe-bearing glasses may stem from the 'survived nuclear spins' beyond the cutoff radius from the Fe, not from the paramagnetic shift. Based on the current results, the observed apparent shifts toward lower frequency of Al peak for $Fe_2O_3$-bearing $CaAl_2Si_2O_8$ glasses with increasing $Fe_2O_3$ at all spinning speed (15 kHz to 30 kHz) indicate the increase in the fraction of ${Q^4}_{Al}$(nSi) with lower n (i.e., 1 or 2) with increasing $Fe_2O_3$ and the spatial proximity between Fe and ${Q^4}_{Al}$(nSi) with higher n (i.e., 3 or 4). The present results show that changes in the NMR signal for iron-bearing silicate glasses reflect the actual iron-induced structural changes. Thus, it is clear that the applications of solid-state NMR for iron-bearing silicate glasses hold strong promise for unraveling the atomic structure of natural silicate glasses.

• Implantology
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.242-254
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• 2018

The aim of the current study was to evaluate the results of horizontal guided bone regeneration (GBR) with xenograf t (deproteinized bovine bone mineral, DBBM), allograf t (irradiated allogenic cancellous bone and marrow), titanium membrane, resorbable collagen membrane, and advanced platelet-rich fibrin (A-PRF) in the anterior maxilla. The titanium membrane was used in this study has a three-dimensional (3D) shape that can cover ridge defects. Case 1. A 32-year-old female patient presented with discomfort due to mobility and pus discharge on tooth #11. Three months after extracting tooth #11, diagnostic software (R2 GATE diagnostic software, Megagen, Daegu, Korea) was used to establish the treatment plan for implant placement. At the first stage of implant surgery, GBR for horizontal augmentation was performed with DBBM ($Bio-Oss^{(R)}$, Geistlich, Wolhusen, Switzerland), irradiated allogenic cancellous bone and marrow (ICB $cancellous^{(R)}$, Rocky Mountain Tissue Bank, Denver, USA), 3D-titanium membrane ($i-Gen^{(R)}$, Megagen, Daegu, Korea), resorbable collagen membrane (Collagen $membrane^{(R)}$, Genoss, Suwon, Korea), and A-PRF because there was approximately 4 mm labial dehiscence after implant placement. Five months after placing the implant, the second stage of implant surgery was performed, and healing abutment was connected after removal of the 3D-titanium membrane. Five months after the second stage of implant surgery was done, the final prosthesis was then delivered. Case 2. A 35-year-old female patient presented with discomfort due to pain and mobility of implant #21. Removal of implant #21 fixture was planned simultaneously with placement of the new implant fixture. At the first stage of implant surgery, GBR for horizontal augmentation was performed with DBBM ($Bio-Oss^{(R)}$), irradiated allogenic cancellous bone and marrow (ICB $cancellous^{(R)}$), 3D-titanium membrane ($i-Gen^{(R)}$), resorbable collagen membrane (Ossix $plus^{(R)}$, Datum, Telrad, Israel), and A-PRF because there was approximately 7 mm labial dehiscence after implant placement. At the second stage of implant surgery six months after implant placement, healing abutment was connected after removing the 3D-titanium membrane. Nine months after the second stage of implant surgery was done, the final prosthesis was then delivered. In these two clinical cases, wound healing of the operation sites was uneventful. All implants were clinically stable without inflammation or additional bone loss, and there was no discomfort to the patient. With the non-resorbable titanium membrane, the ability of bone formation in the space was stably maintained in three dimensions, and A-PRF might influence soft tissue healing. This limited study suggests that aesthetic results can be achieved with GBR using 3D-titanium membrane and A-PRF in the anterior maxilla. However, long-term follow-up evaluation should be performed.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Radiology
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• v.12 no.6
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• pp.755-762
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to compare the FA(faractional anisotropy) and ADC(apparent diffusion coefficient) values, which were derived from diffusion tensor imaging in breast cancer patients. The diffusion gradient used in this study was derived from quantitative diffusion indices using 20 directions(b-value, 0 and $1,000s/mm^2$). Quantitative analysis was analyzed using Pearson's correction and qualitative analysis using for correction coefficients. As a result, $FA_{min}$, $FA_{mean}$ and $FA_{max}$ were $0.098{\pm}0.065$, $0.302{\pm}0.142$ and $0.634{\pm}0.236$, respectively(p > 0.05). The $ADC_{min}$, $ADC_{mean}$ and $ADC_{max}$ were $0.741{\pm}0.403$, $1.095{\pm}0.394$ and $1.530{\pm}0.447$, respectively(p > 0.05). The $FA_{min}$, $FA_{mean}$, and $FA_{max}$ mean values were $0.132{\pm}0.050$, $0.418{\pm}0.094$, and $0.770{\pm}0.164$ for Category 6 and Kinetic Curve Pattern III, respectively. $ADC_{min}$, $ADC_{mean}$, and $ADC_{max}$ were $0.753{\pm}0.189$, $1.120{\pm}0.236$, and $1.615{\pm}0.372$, respectively. Quantitative analysis showed negative correlation between $ADC_{mean}-FA_{mean}$ and $ADC_{max}-FA_{max}$(p = 0.001, 0.003). The qalitative analysis showed ADC 0.628(p = 0.001), FA 0.620(p = 0.001) in the internal evaluations, ADC 0.677(p = 0.001), FA 0.695(p = 0.001) in external evaluations. In conclusion, based on the morphological examination, time to signal intensity graph is the form of wash-out(pattern III) in the dynamic contrast enhance examination, As a result, the $ADC_{mean}$ $1.120{\pm}0.236$ and $FA_{mean}$ values were $0.032{\pm}0.142$ with a negative correlation (Y=1.44-1.12X). Therefore, If we understand the shape of time to signal intensity graph and the relationship between ADC and FA, It will be a criterion for distinguishing malignant diseases in breast cancer.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.48-63
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• 2013

The results of the study on the space planning and landscape design of Unjoru(雲鳥樓) through the 'Jeolla Gurye Omidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)' drawn using GyeHwa(界畵) technique are as follows. First, 'Omidong Gado' is believed to date back to the period when Unjoru(1776~1783) was established for the following reasons: (1) The founder, Yoo-IJu(柳爾?), sent the drawing for the house while he was serving as the governor of YongCheon county(龍川府史). (2) It shows the typical dwelling houses' space division and its location is in a good spot with mountain in the back and water in front(背山臨水) and there is every indication of scheme drawing. (3) Front gate was changed and remodeled to a lofty gate in 1804. Second, Nogodan & Hyeongjebong of Jiri Mountain sit at the back of Unjoru, and faces Obong mountain and Gyejok mountain. In addition, the Dongbang stream flowing to the east well illustrates the Pungsu theory of mountain in the back and water in the front. Third, the house is structured in the shape resembling the character 品, divided into 5 areas by hierarchical order in the cross line from all directions. The site, which includes the outdoor yard and the back garden, consists of 5 blocks, 6 yards and 2 gardens. Fourth, the outdoor yard with aesthetical value and anti-fire function, is an ecological garden influenced by Confucianism and Taoism with a pond (BangJiWonDo Type, 方池圓島形) at the center. Fifth, the Sarang yard(舍廊庭) is decorated with terrace garden and flower garden, and the landscaping components such as oddly shaped stone, crane, plum, pine tree, tamarisk tree and flowering plants were used to depict the ideal fairy land and centrally placed tree for metaphysical symbolism. The upper floor of Sarangchae commands distant and medium range view, as well as upwards and downwards. The natural landscape intrudes inside, and at the same time, connects with the outside. Sixth, pine forest over the northern wall and the intentionally developed low hill are one of the traditional landscaping techniques that promotes pleasant residential environment as well as the aesthetics of balanced fullness.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.66-87
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• 2009

The definition of the structure of wooden chamber tomb(piled stone-type) is as follows. It is a tomb with wooden chamber, and stones were piled on top of the wooden chamber, and then a wooden structure was placed on top of the piled stones, and more stones were piled on top of the wooden structure, and sealed with clay. Of course this definition can vary according to periods, the buried, etc. Gyeongju-style piled stone type wooden chamber tombs have some distinguished characteristics compared to general definition of piled stone type wooden chamber tombs. Outside the wooden chamber, either stone embankments or filled-in stones were layed out, and pilet-in stones are positioned right above the wooden chamber, and almost every class used this type, and finally, it is exclusively found in Gyeongju area. First generations of this Gyeongju-style piled stone type wooden chamber tombs appeared in first half of 5th century. These tombs inherited characteristics like ground plan, wooden chamber, double chamber(inner chamber and outer chamber), piled stones, burial of the living with the dead, piled stones, from precedent wooden chamber tombs. However these tombs have explicit new characteristics which are not found in the precedent wooden chamber tombs such as stone embankments, wooden pillars, piled stones(above ground level), soil tumuluses. stone embankments and wooden pillars are exclusively found on great piled stone type above-ground level wooden chamber tombs such as the Hwangnamdaechong(皇南大塚). Stone embankments, wooden pillars, piled stones(above ground level) are all elements of building process of soil tumuluses. stone embankments support outer wall of above-ground level wooden chambers and disperse the weight of tumuluses. Wooden pillars functioned as auxiliary supports with wooden structures to prevent the collapse of stone embankments. Piled stones are consists of stones of regular size, placed on the wooden structure. And after the piled stones were sealed with clay, tumulus was built with soil. Piled stones are unique characteristics which reflects the environment of Gyeongju area. Piled stone type wooden chamber tombs are located on the vast and plain river basin of Hyeongsan river(兄山江). Which makes vast source of sands and pebbles. Therefore, tumulus of these tombs contains large amount of sands and are prone to collapse if soil tumulus was built directly on the wooden structure. Consequently, to maintain external shape of the tumulus and to prevent collapse of inner structure, piled stones and clay-sealing was made. In this way, they can prevent total collapse of the tombs even if the tumulus was washed away. The soil tumulus is a characteristic which emerges when a nation or political entity reaches certain growing stage. It can be said that after birth of a nation, growing stage follows and social structure will change, and a newly emerged ruling class starts building new tombs, instead of precedent wooden chamber tombs. In this process, soil tumulus was built and the size and structure of the tombs differ according to the ruling class. Ground plan, stone embankments, number of the persons buried alive with the dead, quantity and quality of artifacts reflect social status of the ruling class. In conclusion, Gyeongju-style piled stone type wooden chamber tombs emerged with different characteristics from the precedent wooden chamber tombs when Shilla reached growing stage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.112-131
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• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.3
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• pp.208-241
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• 2010

This study was conducted to examine the chronology of Taesil Seokham(Taesil Stone Boxes) stored in Taesil of the Joseon Palace and classify the styles to discuss how these boxes have developed. By doing so, this study defined the archaeological styles of taesil seokhams in the chronological order. Although taesil seokhams are placed when taesil are first created, they do not have any texts engraved on them and it is difficult to gain information only from examining taesil seokham. However, Taejiseok(memorial stones buried in Taesil) and Agibi(gravestones buried in Taesil) were created along with taesil. These resources were examined and compared with literature records to find when each taesil seokhams was created. The critical elements to consider for the chronological arrangement were both the cover and container of the boxes and the transition of their style could be classified into four major stages. In detail, the Joseon Dynasty's taesil seokhams initially inherited the style of the Goryeo Dynasty to be formed into rectangular boxes. Through the transition of the mid and late 15th Century, the semi-circular cover with cylindrical container became the popular style in the late 15th Century. In the late 16th Century, the style of the previous period was further developed to add some decorative elements, such as projecting ornaments, but the ornaments were added for functional purposes rather than artistic purposes. However, the style went back to the semi-circular cover with cylindrical container in the early 17th Century. From the mid 17th Century, various styles appeared with ornaments only on the cover, cone-shaped cover with no ornament, or mortar-like container. However, a new style of cone-shaped cover with ornament emerged between the early and mid 18th Century and continued to stay until the mid 18th Century. In the mid 18th Century, the cover remained unchanged, but the container became a keyhole-shaped space with one side forming a "ㄷ" shape. However, in the late 18th Century, the most typical style of the semi-circular cover with cylindrical container reappeared to show that this is the most universal style. Last, in the mid 19th Century, the cover changed from semi-circular to rectangular with flat top. After this, the taesil seokhams began to disappear. In terms of style, it can be classified into four stages. In the early Joseon Dynasty, the taesil seokhams were underdeveloped and inherited the style of the Goryeo Dynasty (Stage I; 1401~mid-15C), but Joseon's unique style began to develop from the late 15th Century (Stage II; 1477~1641). After that, partial ornaments were added for adornment (Stage III; 1660~1754), but the typical style reappeared in the late 18th Century to finally degrade in the late Joseon Dynasty of the mid 19th Century (Stage IV; 1790~1874). This arrangement of style and chronology would greatly help archaeologists anticipate the time and owner of taesil seokhams even if only taesil seokhams are discovered without any records. * Tae(胎) : Placenta and umbilical cord * Taesil(胎室) : A facility(chamber) of burying Tae(胎) in rite when royal descendants are born.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.4-21
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• 2012

Jade ornaments, which include slit earrings, scoop-shaped objects and tubular beads have been extensively identified in Northeast Asia, such as Korea, China, Japan and the Maritime Province of Siberia. Among them slit earrings are distributed in the whole area of Northeast Asia. Although this object shows the typological differences in accordance with the excavated region in detail, all of them are characterised by the slit on the centre of jade ring. The buried context and the shape of this object suggest that this artefact was the earring; thus it is named to 'slit earring'. Most of slit earrings of the Neolithic Age concentrate in Northeast China and the areas south of the Yangtze River, and the Japanese Archipelago. However, unfortunately, Slit earrings, which were produced in the tradition of the incipient and early phases of the Neolithic Age in Northeast Asia, have not been excavated in the Korean Peninsula. The number of slit earrings reported so far is eight, and especially until the 20th century, almost none was reported with its exact excavation location and only three of them are known as excavated through surface surveys and preliminary excavations. However, from the beginning of the 21st century onwards, the number of discovered slit earrings is increasing. Particularly, five pieces of this object uncovered in the 21st century are discovered in the official excavation; thus the exact archaeological context such as buried locations and chronologies could be estimated. By considering the buried context, slit earrings are associated with stone axes, which were produced in the incipient and early phase of the Neolithic Age in the Korean Peninsula. In addition, considering the number of unearthed objects is a few, it could be postulate that slit earring was the artefact that only a few persons, who had a special role in the society, could possess. However, slit jade earrings that have been excavated in the Korean Peninsula are extremely low in their number compared to the cases of its neighbouring countries such as China and Japan, and the researches on this subject have not been much conducted in Korea. Therefore, it is my supposition that slit earrings, which have been discovered in the Korean Peninsula, might be the imported item from the nearby areas. Particularly, the Southern Coast was closely connected with Japanese Islands and the Eastern Coast was interchanged with Northeast China or the Maritime Province of Siberia. Considering that excavations and researches on the Neolithic remains in the Korean Peninsula have not been sufficiently and actively conducted, it could be expected that the further investigations and researches will reveal the sufficient quantities of slit earrings in near future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.52-71
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• 2011

This study was initiated with the intent to consider the features of Gugokwonlim and to compare Gabsagugok(甲寺九曲) to Yongsangugok(龍山九曲) against the backdrop of Mt. Gyeryong by revealing their nature and confirming the names and exact locations. A literature review, interviews with local people and field studies confirmed that Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are each composed of 9 seasonal features. The former is made up of Yongyuso(龍遊沼) - Iilcheon(二一川) - Baengnyonggang(白龍岡) - Dalmuntaek(達門澤) - Geumgyeam(金鷄?) - Myeongwoldam(明月潭) - Gyemyeongam(鷄鳴巖) - Yongmunpok(龍門瀑) - Sujeongbong(水晶峰) while the latter is made up of Simyongmun(尋龍門) - Eunnyongdam(隱龍潭) - Waryonggang(臥龍剛) - Yuryongdae(遊龍臺) - Hwangnyongam(黃龍岩) - Hyeollyongso(見龍沼) - Ullyongtaek(雲龍澤) - Biryongchu(飛龍湫) - Sillyongyeon(神龍淵). Both Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are part of Gugokwonlim built in the valleys of Mt. Gyeryong in the late Joseon Dynasty by Byeoksu Yun Deok-yeong (1927) and Chwieum Gwon Jun-myeon (1932), respectively, with a 5 year difference. Gabsagugok was supposedly designed to reflect an individual taste for the arts and to admire principles of Juyeok (ch. Zhouyi) and the beauty of nature. On the contrary, Yongsangugok appears to be the builder's expression of his longing for independence day, likened to the life of a dragon after receiving the sad news of Japan's annexation of Korea. Such differences show that these two builders had very different intentions from one another. The letters of Gabsagugok have a semi cursive style and were deeply engraved on the rock in a square shape. Consequently they have not been worn away except for those in Yongyuso, the first Gok. In contrast, the letters in Yongsangugok have an antiquated, cursive-Yija style but because they were engraved relatively lightly, serious wear and damage occurred. In terms of location, Gabsagugok was built around Ganseongjang adjacent to the 5th Gok while Yongsangugok was set up around the 5th Gok, Hwangnyongam. Meanwhile, the important motif which forms the background of Gabsagugok seemingly highlights the geographic identity of Mt. Gyeryong using the dragon and the chicken as themes. It also appears to symbolize the principles of Juyeok focusing on Kan of the Eight Trigrams for divination; this requires an in-depth study for confirmation. The main motif and theme of Yongsangugok is the dragon. It infuses the builder's intentions in Sangsinri Valley by communicating with nature through a story of a dragon's life from birth to ascension. It is assumed that he tried to use this story to express his hope for restoring the national spirit and reconstructing the country.