• Title/Summary/Keyword: Rural System Changes

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Measurement of Backscattering Coefficients of Rice Canopy Using a Ground Polarimetric Scatterometer System (지상관측 레이다 산란계를 이용한 벼 군락의 후방산란계수 측정)

  • Hong, Jin-Young;Kim, Yi-Hyun;Oh, Yi-Sok;Hong, Suk-Young
    • Korean Journal of Remote Sensing
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    • v.23 no.2
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    • pp.145-152
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    • 2007
  • The polarimetric backscattering coefficients of a wet-land rice field which is an experimental plot belong to National Institute of Agricultural Science and Technology in Suwon are measured using ground-based polarimetric scatterometers at 1.8 and 5.3 GHz throughout a growth year from transplanting period to harvest period (May to October in 2006). The polarimetric scatterometers consist of a vector network analyzer with time-gating function and polarimetric antenna set, and are well calibrated to get VV-, HV-, VH-, HH-polarized backscattering coefficients from the measurements, based on single target calibration technique using a trihedral corner reflector. The polarimetric backscattering coefficients are measured at $30^{\circ},\;40^{\circ},\;50^{\circ}\;and\;60^{\circ}$ with 30 independent samples for each incidence angle at each frequency. In the measurement periods the ground truth data including fresh and dry biomass, plant height, stem density, leaf area, specific leaf area, and moisture contents are also collected for each measurement. The temporal variations of the measured backscattering coefficients as well as the measured plant height, LAI (leaf area index) and biomass are analyzed. Then, the measured polarimetric backscattering coefficients are compared with the rice growth parameters. The measured plant height increases monotonically while the measured LAI increases only till the ripening period and decreases after the ripening period. The measured backscattering coefficientsare fitted with polynomial expressions as functions of growth age, plant LAI and plant height for each polarization, frequency, and incidence angle. As the incidence angle is bigger, correlations of L band signature to the rice growth was higher than that of C band signatures. It is found that the HH-polarized backscattering coefficients are more sensitive than the VV-polarized backscattering coefficients to growth age and other input parameters. It is necessary to divide the data according to the growth period which shows the qualitative changes of growth such as panicale initiation, flowering or heading to derive functions to estimate rice growth.

A Study on Marketing of Cultured Laver Products (양식해태의 유통에 관한 조사 연구)

  • 유충열
    • The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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    • v.4 no.1_2
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    • pp.19-57
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    • 1973
  • Laver io one of the most necessary and seasonal items in Korean food from oldtimes. Laver is lagely eaten in dried form, and its supply depends entirely upon culture weeds. The history of laver culture in Korea about sixty or seventy years is older than in Japan. Significance of laver culture is divided into two aspects, one is food supply in the nation, and the other is export to other countries. Houses engaged in laver culture are about foully thousands, and laver production in 1972 is estimated as 1, 3 bitten sheets. (1 sheet is a dried laver of 20 cm sq, in the shape of paper) Especcially meaning of layer production is the concentration of labour input, and systematic management of labour. From around 1920, the method of laver culture was introduced by Japanese Imperialism for mono culture in shallow seas, and mass products of laver is provided to Japan market, DOMESTIC MARKET Fundamental consume function calculates at below, $D_{(68_71)}$=16354 $Y^{0.471}$ $P^{-1.0662}$ where D is total layer demand, Y income variable, P price variable. It means income elasticity is 476. in the whole country, and price elasticity is 1, 07. But generally income elasticity is higher in urban area than in rural area, as shown at 1, 3 in Seoul city. Expence of laver in house expenditure is mutually correlated with another expence, See Table 12 about the relative function. See Table 14 and 16 about the relation between the gathering and the changes of price in auction, wholesale and retail price support system is for two effects, one of which is constraint of the upper price, the other is rise of the lower price. Before the system control, the equation in three year average calculated as below, $Y_{b}$ =18, 907.7455+15435.9364 t (r=0.89) where the origin t=0 is the November and the units are month. Post the system control, $Y_{p}$ =30, 047.9636+1, 631.1721t (r=0.97) therefore, this system has an effect only on the rise of lower price, Average annual margins of laver products at four market levels according to the consumer spent is below. EXPORTING MARKET Japanese demand function of laver products is, Log D=5, 289+1, 108 Log Y-1, 395 Log P (r=0.987) where D is Japanese laver demand, Y income variable, P price variable. according to which income elasticity is 1. 1 and price elasticity is 1.4. Laver production in 1970 tile highest record till then, is estimated as six billion sheets. But the recent improvement of laver culture techniques, the production of seeds and freezing storage of seeds has been stabilized. Futher new culture farms have been developed by means of break- water fences or by floating culture method. These improvements have been backed up with increased demand of laver products. Import quantity and price of Korean laver products are restrained by three organizations, that is producer, distributor and consumer. This relationship calculated by regression equation shows that import is influenced only producer organization, at the sacrifice of consumer profit. For increase to export of laver products, we urgently require to open foreign trade of laver products for Japanese consumer, .and Japan has political responsibility to solve Korean laver structure. But with long run timeseries, as regards Japanese production and import quantity, importing function shows increasing trend as below, 250 million sheets <3, 947.1674+0.005 $L_{g}$ >) 600 million sheets where $L_{q}$ is relative production quantity of laver in Japan. (unit; 100 thousand sheets) Our Export effort should be put on the highly processed products whithin the restraind quote.ote.

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CHANGES IN WATER USE AND MANAGEMENT OVER TIME AND SIGNIFICANCE FOR AUSTRALIA AND SOUTH-EAST ASIA

  • Knight, Michael J.
    • Proceedings of the Korean Society of Soil and Groundwater Environment Conference
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    • 1997.11a
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    • pp.3-31
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    • 1997
  • Water has always played a significant role in the lives of people. In urbanised Rome, with its million people. sophisticated supply systems developed and then fled with the empire. only to be rediscovered later But it was the industrial Revolution commencing in the eighteenth century that ushered in major paradigm shifts In use and altitudes towards water. Rapid and concentrated urbanisation brought problems of expanded demands for drinking supplies, waste management and disease. The strategy of using water from local streams, springs and village wells collapsed under the onslaughts of rising urban demands and pollution due to poor waste disposal practices. Expanding travel (railways. and steamships) aided the spread of disease. In England. public health crises peaks, related to water-borne typhoid and the three major cholera outbreaks occurred in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century respectively. Technological, engineering and institutional responses were successful in solving the public health problem. it is generally accepted that the putting of water into pipe networks both for a clean drinking supply, as well as using it as a transport medium for removal of human and other wastes, played a significant role in towering death rates due to waterborne diseases such as cholera and typhoid towards the end of the nineteenth century. Today, similar principles apply. A recent World Bank report Indicates that there can be upto 76% reduction in illness when major water and sanitation improvements occur in developing countries. Water management, technology and thinking in Australia were relatively stable in the twentieth century up to the mid to late 1970s. Groundwater sources were investigated and developed for towns and agriculture. Dams were built, and pipe networks extended both for supply and waste water management. The management paradigms in Australia were essentially extensions of European strategies with the minor adaptions due to climate and hydrogeology. During the 1970s and 1980s in Australia, it was realised increasingly that a knowledge of groundwater and hydrogeological processes were critical to pollution prevention, the development of sound waste management and the problems of salinity. Many millions of dollars have been both saved and generated as a consequence. This is especially in relation to domestic waste management and the disposal of aluminium refinery waste in New South Wales. Major institutional changes in public sector water management are occurring in Australia. Upheveals and change have now reached ail states in Australia with various approaches being followed. Market thinking, corporatisation, privatisation, internationalisation, downsizing and environmental pressures are all playing their role in this paradigm shift. One casualty of this turmoil is the progressive erosion of the public sector skillbase and this may become a serious issue should a public health crisis occur such as a water borne disease. Such crises have arisen over recent times. A complete rethink of the urban water cycle is going on right now in Australia both at the State and Federal level. We are on the threshold of significant change in how we use and manage water, both as a supply and a waste transporter in Urban environments especially. Substantial replacement of the pipe system will be needed in 25 to 30 years time and this will cost billions of dollars. The competition for water between imgation needs and environmental requirements in Australia and overseas will continue to be an issue in rural areas. This will be especially heightened by the rising demand for irrigation produced food as the world's population grows. Rapid urbanisation and industrialisation in the emerging S.E Asian countries are currently producing considerable demands for water management skills and Infrastructure development. This trend e expected to grow. There are also severe water shortages in the Middle East to such an extent that wars may be fought over water issues. Environmental public health crises and shortages will help drive the trends.

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Comparison between Traditional IPA and Revised IPA; The Suncheon Bay Wetland Reserve (전통적 IPA(Importance-Performance Analysis)와 수정된 IPA의 비교연구; 순천만 습지를 대상으로)

  • Kim, Bo-Mi;Lee, Dong-Kun
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.45 no.2
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    • pp.40-50
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    • 2017
  • Compared to the traditional format, the revised IPA is an effective method for selecting a management strategy as compared to the traditional IPA. Comparison between the traditional IPA and revised IPA with a management strategy has been, however, limited. Therefore, the difference between the traditional IPA and revised IPA was compared to select an effective management strategy in the Suncheon Bay Wetland Reserve. First of all, related papers were reviewed to select an appropriate revised IPA. It was found that Deng (2007)'s revised IPA was appropriate for quantifying service quality and a management strategy that affects the measurable satisfaction of visitors in the space. Second, the results of the traditional IPA were compared with the revised IPA in the Suncheon Bay Wetland Reserve and the management strategy of the revised IPA and the changes of management factors were discussed. It was found that some management factors deviated from the order of the quadrant "low priority for managers", "Concentrate management here", "Keep up the good work" were moved to the order of the quadrants "Concentrate management here", "low priority for managers" and "Possible overkill" in the revised IPA grid. The complexity as a management factor resulted in higher demand management than the traditional IPA, which moved from "low priority for managers" to "Concentrate management here". Management factors resulted in lower demand management than the traditional IPA moved from "Concentrate management here" to "low priority for managers"; these consisted of shade trees, exhibition exteriors, programs, and a guided tour. Also, management factors moved from "Keep up the good work" to "Possible overkill" consisted of relaxation facilities, glow of the setting sun, a hedge, and an exhibition interior. Over all, the revised IPA responded properly to changes in the measurable satisfaction of visitors to the Suncheon Bay Wetland Reserve. Therefore, a revised IPA should be provided for accurate and reliable guidelines when decision makers establish management strategies.

Internal Changes and Countermeasure for Performance Improvement by Separation of Prescribing and Dispensing Practice in Health Center (의약분업(醫藥分業) 실시(實施)에 따른 보건소(保健所)의 내부변화(內部變化)와 업무개선방안(業務改善方案))

  • Jeong, Myeong-Sun;Kam, Sin;Kim, Tae-Woong
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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    • v.26 no.1
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    • pp.19-35
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    • 2001
  • This study was conducted to investigate the internal changes and the countermeasure for performance improvement by Separation of Prescribing and Dispensing Practice (SPDP) in Health Center. Data were collected from two sources: Performance report before and after SPDP of 25 Health Centers in Kyongsangbuk-do and 6 Health Centers in Daegu-City and self-administerd questionnaire survey of 221 officials at health center. The results of this study were summarized as follows: Twenty-four health centers(77.4%) of 31 health centers took convenience measures for medical treatment of citizens and convenience measures were getting map of pharmacy, improvement of health center interior, introduction of order communication system in order. After the SPDP in health centers, 19.4% of health centers increased doctors and 25.8% decreased pharmacists. 58.1% of health centers showed that number of medical treatments were decreased. 96.4%, 80.6% 80.6% 96.7% of health centers showed that number of prescriptions, total medical treatment expenses, amounts paid by the insureds and the expenses to purchase drugs, respectively, were decreased. More than fifty percent(54.2%) of health centers responded that the relative importance of health works increased compared to medical treatments after the SPDP, and number of patients decreased compared to those in before the SPDP. And there was a drastic reduction in number of prescriptions, total medical treatment expenses, amounts paid by insureds, the expenses to purchase drugs after the SPDP. Above fifty percent(57.6%) of officers at health center responded that the function of medical treatment should be reduced after the SPDP. Fields requested improvement in health centers were 'development of heath works contents'(62.4%), 'rearrangement of health center personnel'(51.6%), 'priority setting for health works'(48.4%), 'restructuring the organization'(36.2%), 'quality impro­vement for medical services'(32.1%), 'replaning the budgets'(23.1%) in order. And to better the image of health centers, health center officers replied that 'health information management'(60.7%), 'public relations for health center'(15.8%), 'kindness of health center officers'(15.3%) were necessary in order. Health center officers suggested that 'vaccination program', 'health promotion', 'maternal and children health', 'communicable disease management', 'community health planning' were relatively important works, in order, performed by health center after SPDP. In the future, medical services in health centers should be cut down with a momentum of the SPDP so that health centers might reestablish their functions and roles as public health organizations, but quality of medical services must be improved. Also health centers should pay attention to residents for improving health through 'vaccination program', 'health promotion', 'mother-children health', 'acute and chronic communicable disease management', 'community health planning', 'oral health', 'chronic degenerative disease management', etc. And there should be a differentiation of relative importance between health promotion services and medical treatment services by character of areas(metropolitan, city, county).

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Hydraulic Stability Examination of Rainwater Reservoir Pipe Network System on Various Inflow Conditions (유입량 변화에 따른 도심지 내 우수저류조 관망시스템의 안정성 검토)

  • Yoo, Hyung Ju;Kim, Dong Hyun;Maeng, Seung Jin;Lee, Seung Oh
    • Journal of Korean Society of Disaster and Security
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    • v.12 no.4
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2019
  • Recently, as the occurrence frequency of sudden floods due to climate change increased, it is necessary to install the facilities that can cope with the initial stormwater. Most researches have been conducted on the design of facilities applying the Low Impact Development (LID) and the reduction effect on rainfall runoff to examine with 1D or 2D numerical models. However, the studies on the examination about flow characteristics and stability of pipe network systems were relatively insufficient in the literature. In this study, the stability of the pipe network system in rainwater storage tank was examined by using 3D numerical model, FLOW-3D. The changes of velocity and dynamic pressure were examined according to the number of rainwater storage tank and compared with the design criteria to derive the optimal design plan for a rainwater storage tank. As a results of numerical simulation with the design values in the previous study, it was confirmed that the velocity became increased as the number of rainwater storage tank increased. And magnitude of the velocity in pipes was formed within the design criteria. However, the velocity in the additional rainwater storage pipe was about 3.44 m/s exceeding the allowable range of the design criteria, when three or more additional rainwater storage tanks were installed. In the case of turbulence intensity and bottom shear stress, the bottom shear stress was larger than the critical shear stress as the additional rainwater storage was increased. So, the deposition of sediment was unlikely to occur, but it should be considered that the floc was formed by the reduction of the turbulence intensity. In addition, the dynamic pressure was also satisfied with the design criteria when the results were compared with the allowable internal pressure of the pipes generally used in the design of rainwater storage tank. Based on these results, it was suitable to install up to two additional rainwater storage tanks because the drainage becomes well when increasing of the number of storage tank and the velocity in the pipe becomes faster to be vulnerable to damage the pipe. However, this study has a assumption about the specifications of the rainwater storage tanks and the inflow of stormwater and has a limitation such that deriving the suitable rainwater storage tank design by simply adding the storage tank. Therefore, the various storage tank types and stormwater inflow scenarios will be asked to derive more efficient design plans in the future.

An Introduction of Korean Soil Information System (한국 토양정보시스템 소개)

  • Hong, S. Young;Zhang, Yong-Seon;Hyun, Byung-Keun;Sonn, Yeon-Kyu;Kim, Yi-Hyun;Jung, Sug-Jae;Park, Chan-Won;Song, Kwan-Cheol;Jang, Byoung-Choon;Choe, Eun-Young;Lee, Ye-Jin;Ha, Sang-Keun;Kim, Myung-Suk;Lee, Jong-Sik;Jung, Goo-Bok;Ko, Byong-Gu;Kim, Gun-Yeob
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.42 no.1
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    • pp.21-28
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    • 2009
  • Detailed information on soil characteristics is of great importance for the use and conservation of soil resources that are essential for human welfare and ecosystem sustainability. This paper introduces soil inventory of Korea focusing on national soil database establishment, information systems, use, and future direction for natural resources management. Different scales of soil maps surveyed and soil test data collected by RDA (Rural Development Administration) were computerized to construct digital soil maps and database. Soil chemical properties and heavy metal concentrations in agricultural soils including vulnerable agricultural soils were investigated regularly at fixed sampling points. Internet-based information systems for soil and agro-environmental resources were developed based on 'National Soil Survey Projects' for managing soil resources and for providing soil information to the public, and 'Agroenvironmental Change Monitoring Project' to monitor spatial and temporal changes of agricultural environment will be opened soon. Soils data has a great potential of further application in estimation of soil carbon storage, water capacity, and soil loss. Digital mapping of soil and environment using state-of-the-art and emerging technologies with a pedometrics concept will lead to future direction.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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Comparative Analysis of Community Health Practitioner's Activities and Primary Health Post Management Before and After Officialization of Community Health practitioner (보건진료원의 정규직화 전과 후의 보건진료원 활동 및 보건진료소 관리운영체계의 비교 분석)

  • Yun, Suk-Ok;Jung, Moon-Sook
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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    • v.19 no.2
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    • pp.141-158
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    • 1994
  • To provide better health care services to the rural population, the government has made the Community Health Practitioner(CHP) a regular government official from April 1, 1992. This study was carried out to study the impact of officialization of CHP on the activities and management system of Primary Health Post(PHP). Fifty PHPs were selected by two stage sampling, cluster and simple random, from 595 PHPs in Kyungnam and Kyungpook provinces. Data were collected by a personal interview with CHPs and review of records and reports kept in the PHPs. The study was done for the periods of January 1-March 31, 1992 (before officialization) and January 1-March 31, 1993 (after officialization). Ninety-six percent of the CHPs wanted to become a regular government official in the hope of better job security and higher salary. The proportion of CHPs who were proud of their iob was increased from 24% to 46% after officialization. Those CHPs who felt insecure for their job decreased from 30% to 10%. Monthly salary was increased by 34% from 802,600 Won to 1,076,000 Won and 90% of the CHPs were satisfied with their salary, also more CHPs responded that they have autonomy in their work planning, implementation of plan, management of the post, and evaluation of their activity. There were no appreciable changes in such CHPs' activities as assessment of local health resources, drawing map for the catchment area, utilization of community organization, grasping the current population structure in the catchment area, keeping the family health records, individual and group health education, and school health service. However, the number of home visits was increased from 13.6 times on the average per month per CHP to 27.5 times. More mothers and children were referred to other medical facilities for the immunization and family planning services. Average number of patients of hypertension, cancer, and diabetes in three months period was decreased from 12.7 to 11.6, from 1.5 to 1.2, and 4.3 to 3.4, respectively. Records for the patient care, drug management, and equipment were well kept but not for other records. The level of record keeping was not changed after officialization. The proportion of PHPs which had support from the health center was increased for drug supply from 14.0% to 30.0%, for consumable commodities from 22.0% to 52.0%, for maintenance of PHP from 54.0% to 68.0%, for supply of health education materials from 34.0% to 44.0%, and supply of equipment from 54.0% to 58.0%. Total monthly revenue of a PHP was increased by about 50,000 Won; increased by 22,000 Won in patient care and 34,700 Won in the government subsidy but decreased in the membership due and donation. However, there was no remarkable changes in the expenditure. The proportion of PHPs which had received official notes from the health center for the purpose of guidance and supervision of the CHPs was increased from 20% to 38% during three months period and the average number of telephone call for supervision from the health center per PHP was increased from 1.8 to 2.1 times(p<0.01). However, the proportion of PHPs that had supervisory visit and conference was reduced from 79% to 62%, and from 88% to 74%, respectively. The proportion of CHPs who maintained a cooperative relationship with Myun Health Workers was reduced from 42% to 36%, that with the director of health center from 46% to 24%, that with the chief of public health administration section from 56% to 36%, and that with the chairman of PHP management council from 62% to 38%. Most of the CHPs (92% before and 82% after officialization) stated that the PHP management council is not helpful for the PHP. CHPs who considered the PHP management council unnecessary increased from 4% to 16%(p<0.05). Suggestions made by the CHPs for the improvement of CHP program included emphasis on health education, assurance of autonomy for PHP management, increase of the kind of drugs that can be dispensed by CHPs, and appointment of an experienced CHP in the health center as the supervisor of CHPs. The results of this study revealed that the role and function of CHPs as reflected in their activities have not been changed after officialization. However, satisfaction in job security and salary was improved as well as the autonomy. Support of health center to the PHP was improved but more official notes were sent to the PHPs which required the CHPs more paper works. Number of telephone calls for supervision was increased but there was little administrative and technical guidance for the CHP activities.

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A Study on Curriculum Development For Community Health Practitioners (보건진료원 직무교육 교과과정 개선을 위한 일 연구)

  • 조원정;이경자
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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    • v.22 no.2
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    • pp.207-226
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    • 1992
  • This study was designed to develop a conceptual framework for the curriculum and develop the details of the learning content for the education of Community Health Practitioners (CHPs). Since education programs for CHPs started 10 years ago, concepts related to CHP services have changed because of changes in society. The objectives of the study were as follows : 1) to analyse the usefulness of the present education program for CHPs, 2) to analyse the Job performance and self -confidence of the CHPs, 3) to identify the health needs of the clients served by the CHPs and the community problems related to health. 4) to develop a conceptual framework for the curriculum, for the education of CHPs, 5) to develops details for the learning content of the education program for CHPs. Phase I of the study was conducted by questionnaires to 150 CHPs who have worked in remote rural areas for more than 2 years. Among them, 147 responded. Data was collected from August 16, to August 25, 1990. In order to identify the health needs of the community people, research within the last five years was reviewed and analyzed. The data on 1, 842 communities gathered by the WHO Nursing Collaborations Center of the College of Nursing, Yonsei University was utilized to identify community problems related to health and the self - confidence in job performance of the CHPs. Psase II of the study consisted of a workshop with 13 professionals including Community Health Practitioners to evaluate the existing education program and a conceptual framework of the curriculum for the job education of CHPs. The results of the study are Summariged below : 1. The only 26 among 45 content items of the education program related to job skills was used by 80% of the responding CHPs. The knowledge of $\ulcorner$Networking community organization$\lrcorner$ was used by only 53.7% of the respondents. Educational content about $\ulcorner$Mental disease$\lrcorner$ was used by less than 50% of CHPs because of a knowledge deficit. 2. The CHPs reported that their activities concentrated on clinical services during the last six months. The survey showed that they seemed to neglect the activities for health promotion and disease prevention. Thus, $\ulcorner$Education for community loaders$\lrcorner$(15.9%), $\ulcorner$Activity for eavironmental health$\lrcorner$(16.3%) and $\ulcorner$Social work for needey people$\lrcorner$(23.3%) were done by less than 30% of CHPs. 3. More than 90% of CHPs reported being self - confident for the activities of $\ulcorner$Health education and counselling$\lrcorner$, $\ulcorner$Medicine prescription$\lrcorner$ and $\ulcorner$Immunization$\lrcorner$. But 50% of CHPs reported that they were not have self - confident in $\ulcorner$Management of water and environmental health$\lrcorner$ and only 25.6% of CHPs could insert an IUD independently. 4. It was identified that respiratory diseases and the gastrointestinal diseases were most common problems for the community people, followed by musculoskeletal and skin problems. 5. The community problems were classified into eight categories : physical environmental problems, environmental hygiene, health problems, health behavior, social problem, lack of resources, financial problem and the problems of the cultural and value system. 6. The conceptual framework consisted of the target population and their health status, nursing process working site and primary health care services such as health promotion, disease prevention, treatment and rehabilitation. 7. The contents of curriculum of education program for CHPs were formulated from the results of this study.

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