• 수완나부미
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.85-106
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• 2014

Protests are not new in Malaysia, though it is restricted by the ruling government. The trend of street protests and demonstrations since the emergence of Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih), Malaysia's first people movement on electoral reform, has triggered a sentiment of people power among Malaysian citizens. With protests and popular mobilization becoming pronounced in Malaysian politics, political activism becomes for Malaysians a channel of discontent and expression of political preferences. Using information obtained from interviews with individuals linked to the movement, this paper articulates that protests are no longer exclusive to Malaysians. This paper illustrates the emergence of the Bersih movement and explores the three Bersih mass rallies that took place in 2007, 2011, and 2012. This paper further links the protests with the electoral reform initiatives. It argues that the Bersih movement has managed to lobby fundamental changes in the Malaysian political culture.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제16권
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• pp.168-206
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• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• 한국실내디자인학회논문집
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• 제17권2호
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• pp.3-12
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• 2008

Most of these cultural spaces are Western architecture which is completely unrelated to our traditional style. In Japan's colonial rule of Korea these Western formation flowed in and passed on by them. Therefore before the understanding of modem cultural space built in Japan's colonial rule of Korea, it's essential to study about the background of the western period in that time, architecture and trend of interior. Due to Great Depression and other reasons the economical modernism of architecture raised in this period. In this thesis, based on such background of period, cultural space has been divided into assembly, theatre and exhibition spaces. Those spaces were studied according to its expressional characteristics and brought to following conclusion from the analysis. The cultural spaces were created around 1930 due to an increase of demand when the modernism started to establish. Like other buildings cultural space expressed modernized elevation and space formation with ferroconcrete building. However until Japan's colonial period the cultural areas were not used for public but for Japanese authority class's social gatherings only. Consequently, unlike other buildings the classical elements that could express these characters were more used in cultural spaces especially in theater and exhibition areas. This distinctiveness didn't appear separately but according to type of rooms in one space. Once more, place like assembly space was expressed with modernism, special or recreation rooms where people pursue a comfort were expressed with decorative style. Also a special theater which was used for only one person was generally expressed with western style to represent the stem character such as power.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.2-12
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• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

• 한국한의학연구원논문집
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• 제13권2호통권20호
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• pp.15-25
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• 2007

Neo-Confucianism(性理學) which provided an ideological base to found Chosun Dynasty which substituted for Koryu Dynasty, presented In-Cheong(仁政) as ideal statecraft. In-Cheong(仁政) is realizing spirit of In(仁) which means a forever creating power(生生之心), for that reason it was a natural result that the ruling class of Chosun Dynasty had interest in medical science. Therefore they remarked 'In-Cheong(仁政) has achieved' when medical books were published, also remarked Hwal-In-Seo(活人署） as an institute of realizing Wang-Cheong(王政) while Hwal-In-Seo(活人署) was placed in very low civil service grade, although the ruling class classified medical science as a Chap-Hak(雜學) which means not essential but necessary knowledge, and ranked it much lower than Confucianism. While had improved medical service system of Korea Dynasty, Chosun Dynasty had special interest in local medicine: expanding provincal medical centers, educating a medical student(醫生) in a medical school who was core human power in local medicine, etc. Nevertheless the local medicine was still depressed. The reasons are ; not providing enough medical center, not much fund to run each center and mobilizing a medical student(醫生) for miscellaneous labor. Depressed local medicine had changed when 士族 came to have an interest in medical science. 士族 had read a lots of medical books from the early Chosun Dynasty. 16th century they even wrote some books on medicine by themselves based on their experience as a provincial governor.　On the other hand Yi-Mun-Geon(李文楗) who wrote Muk-Jae Diary belongs to the latter. He did not use the art of acupucture. He was a civil official in Seoul, so he could get a lots of books and enough medical stuffs. After a while. he was exiled in Seong-Ju(星州) and took part in local medicine there. The local medicine was depressed in Seong-Ju(星州) at that time. Yi-Mun-Geon(李文楗) was a kind of medical consultant as well as a local doctor. Such medical doings by Sa-Jok(士族) may be a moment that provide power to local Sa-Jok(士族). Sa-Jok(士族) themselves were enthusiastic in treating their sick slaves because the slaves were financial foundation of Sa-Jok(士族). After 17th century, however, the relative importance which Sa-Jok(士族) in the country had held in 16th century had decreased gradually while professional doctors bad increased.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제2권3호
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• pp.196-227
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• 2015

The premise of the intentional model of split-ticket voting is that some voters split their tickets simply because they prefer divided government and believe in constant "checks and balances." This article examines whether this premise stands firm in an emerging democracy like Taiwan. That is, by using survey data in Taiwan, we explore whether one's attitude toward divided or unified government is "real." We hypothesize that a citizen's attitude toward "checks and balances" is subject to change, and conditional on whether her preferred party is in power. Specifically, we speculate that a citizen would tend to hold the balancing perspective or favor divided government, if her preferred party is in opposition. However, if her preferred party becomes the ruling party, she would be more likely to oppose (hold) the balancing (non-balancing) perspective or favor unified government. We then utilize panel survey data embedded in Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) to verify our hypothesis.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.7-22
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• 2002

Architectural style is said to be product reflecting political, social and cultural condition. Especially, in colony, architectural style is strongly related to political condition or policy. After colonization in 1910, public buildings with western historical architectural style in Japanese version were widely built by Japanese colonial government in Korea. And in the late 1920s, modernism style in architecture became dominant in Korea as like other countries. In this situation, curious buildings in strange architectural styles came out. One example is railroad station buildings with traditional Korean architectural style and timber house station having a steep roof which is widely used in North Europe such as Alps area with good sights and mountains. Generally, the colonizer says that colonization is the only way to save the colony at crisis defined by colonizer and they insist that they can help the colony modernize. To justify colonization, the colonizer attributes the colonization to the characteristics of the nation and stagnation of the traditional culture etc.. Accordingly, the colonizer tries to depreciate colony's traditional value and culture. In case of colony which has similar cultural background historically (in this case, economical exploitation is less important than other Asian colony by European power), this depreciation of traditional value and culture in Korea was done more strongly than others. At this time, we should understand special relation between Korea and Japan historically. Even though, colony's locality is adopted by the colonizer in public fields, which is based on political purpose or exotic taste etc.. In early days of Japanese ruling period, Japan never use the Korean traditional facts in public. Therefore there is no use of Korean traditional architectural style in public field. In late 1920s, some railroad station buildings were constructed in new styles without precedence in modern Korea. One is railroad station buildings in Korean traditional architectural style, the other is railroad station buildings in timber house stations having a steep roof which is different form western historical architectural style. It was mystery that Japan had constructed railroad stations in Korean traditional style which Japan had tried to destroy together with Western style railroad station buildings. This paper is made to solve the mystery why the colonizer(Japan) constructed entirely different types of railroad stations at the same time in the late 1920s and 1930s. The key point to solve this mystery is tourism. In this paper, to solve this mystery, I try to use terminology' 'Colonial Tourism' in architecture why colonial power had constructed railroad stations with colony's traditional architectural style and Western style having a steep roof which can be seen north European region.

• 복식
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• 제58권3호
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• pp.131-148
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• 2008

Each stylistic period through history has its own unique look. The characteristic look of each period is completed and visualized with its prevailing ideologies, aesthetic consciousness and morality by means of 'form'. A period expresses its characteristics in accordance with form according to the widespread preferences of the time. Among the various cultural factors that form the look of the time, those that the period holds as ideal aesthetic values create the concept of 'ideal beauty' for that period. This study begins by establishing the conceptual definition of 'ideal beauty' and develops the premise that dress reflected ideal beauty. To attain the goal of the study, the selected objects are dresses represented in paintings, the actual garments from the Renaissance to Baroque periods and written references about art, art history, and history of costume. The results, based upon a theoretical study of the zeitgeist and aesthetic values of the 16th and 17th centuries, are as follows: first, ideal beauty influences the substance and form that constitute dress style. It is a byproduct of the spirit of time, the zeitgeist. The concept of ideal beauty is born within the lifestyle pursued by the ruling class and focuses on the body as an epitome of beauty, moral values, custom, lifestyle and taste as it becomes visualized via form. Second, the aspect of dress representing the ideal beauty of particular time varied according to the times. In both periods, power and dignity were used to achieve the ideal aesthetic values. In the Renaissance, power was expressed by the horizontal extension of dress (i.e. wide farthingales and sleeves) and in the Baroque period, by vertical extension (i.e. long and tall wigs, fontanges and trains). It can be said that fashion in both periods achieved an ideal, such as power and dignity, via the same means, by extending dress sizes, but the ways in which those ideals were portrayed in each period's dress yielded very contrary styles. It is understood through this study that ideal beauty influenced the dress style of the Renaissance and Baroque periods and played a decisive role in determining its forms and symbolic meanings.

• 만화애니메이션 연구
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• 통권43호
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• pp.255-284
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• 2016

본 논문은 1970년대의 명랑만화인 <꺼벙이>, <도깨비감투>, <요철발명왕>에 대한 담론분석이다. 분석을 위해 한국 명랑만화의 역사와 함께 당시의 심의제도와 유통구조를 고찰하였다. 또한 1920년대부터 다양한 의미로 사용되었던 '명랑'이라는 용어에 대한 개념과 의미의 변화 과정에도 주목하였다. 이를 통해 명랑만화는 단순히 웃음을 유발하는 텍스트가 아니며, 당대의 정치, 사회적 맥락과 깊이 연관되어 있음을 알 수 있었다. 분석방법은 푸코의 담론분석방법을 사용하였다. 1970년대의 명랑만화를 당시의 사회적 제도에 의해 형성된 담론이라 가정하고, 만화 내 등장인물들의 대화를 언표로 규정하여 분석하였다. 만화의 대화분석을 통해 당시의 명랑만화가 전파하는 담론과 그것을 만들어내는 사회적인 조건에 대한 분석을 실시하였다. 이런 과정을 통해 당시의 명랑만화는 '서열화를 통한 자본과 권력의 획득', '국가주의적 요소의 강조', '능동적 주체로의 호명과 훈육'이라는 담론을 내포하고 있는 것으로 나타났다. 아울러 이러한 담론은 심의와 통제 같은 당대의 권력의지를 바탕으로 나타나며, 이를 통해 지배 권력의 이데올로기를 정교하게 담아 내는 장치로 사용되고 있음을 알 수 있었다.

• 의정연구
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

민주화와 더불어 선거정치에 토대를 둔 대의제가 본격적으로 가동된 지 20여 년이 지났다. 그동안 선거를 통한 정권교체도 이루었고, 민주화 세력이 적어도 두 번 이상 집권에 성공했다. 또 민주화 세력에 대한 실망으로 또 다시 정권교체가 일어나기도 했다. 선거를 통한 정권교체라는 대의정치의 기본 동력이 발휘된 것처럼 보인다. 그러나 대의권력이 민주적 안정의 구심점이 되지 못하고 있다. 더구나 우리의 불안정한 민주체제는 정권변동과 대의제 환경의 변화라는 이중적인 전환 속에서 과도기의 혼돈을 겪고 있다. 민주주의 후퇴 논란도 제기되고 있다. 이 연구는 지체된 개혁과제와 변화된 대의제의 환경에 주목해 한국 민주주의의 현실을 진단한다. 전환기적 상황으로는 민주화 동력의 소진에서 정권 재교체에 이르는 정치변동, 그리고 인터넷 시대와 정치동원 구조의 변화, 직접행동과 대의민주주의 등을 주요 논제로 다룬다. 그리고 분열의 정치와 '반쪽 정당성', 대권정치에 종속된 의회 정치라는 한국정치의 구조적 한계를 극복하는 개혁과제로 현행 대통령제의 개편을 주장한다.