• Title/Summary/Keyword: Royal security

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일본의 정보보호기술 최근연구동향 -SCIS' 98 참가 결과-

  • 김광조
    • Review of KIISC
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    • v.8 no.1
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    • pp.113-142
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    • 1998
  • 본고는 1998년 1월 28일부터 1월 31일까지 일본의 Hamanoko Royal 호텔(시즈오가현 야마 나시시 소재 )에서 일본의 전자정보통신학회(IEICE) 산하 정보시큐리티 연구회가 14번째로 주관한 SCIS' 98 (1998 Symposium on Crytography and Information Securety)에 참관하여 일본의 정보보호관련 최신 연구 결과를 요약 보고한다. 특히, 금년에는 암호해석, Digital Watermark, 타원 곡선 암호와 관련된 논문이 많았으며, 발표 논문에 대한 사전 심사가 없음에도 불구하고 논문의 질이 높은 연구 결과도 많았다

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A Study on Layout and Operation of Suk-seol-so and Jung-bae-seol-cheong at Court Banquets in the Late Joseon - Focusing on Uigwe(Ritual Manual) for Court Banquets - (조선후기 궁중연향 시 숙설소와 중배설청의 배치와 운영에 관한 연구 -궁중연향의궤를 중심으로-)

  • Kyoung, Se-Jin;Cho, Jae-Mo
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.24 no.6
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    • pp.67-82
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    • 2015
  • With regard to Gung-jung Yeon-hyang(宮中宴享; court banquet), the frequency of banquets that were held at one time beginning Mu-ja J in-jak(戊子進爵; a royal banquet held in 1828) in 1828 (the 28th year of King Sunjo (純祖)'s reign). In proportion to this frequency, there was an increase in the need and importance of Suk-seol-so(熟設所; a kitchen built in temporarily house for court banquet) and Jung-bae-seol-cheong(中排設廳; a temporary place to put offerings) as a space to assist court banquets. Although Suk-seol-so was a temporary but large-scale facility, it was frequently used for long periods. This facility was flexibly established using the variability of Dong-gung(東宮; Palace for Crown Prince) and enhanced the efficiency of censorship and security in conjunction with palace gates and Suk-wi-cheo(宿衛處; guard station, guard room). In addition, it was reused according to the period when the nation and royal family gave finances or banquets. Jung-bae-seol-cheong was established in the place connected to the central space of court banquets and worked as buffer space to resolve the tension on the day of the event. The location where Jung-bae-seol-cheong was established enabled us to confirm the applicability of Bok-do(複道; corridor) connected to Chimjeon(寢殿; royal residence) when holding court banquets. In short, Suk-seol-so and Jung-bae-seol-cheong were auxiliary spaces, but were considered importantly in the palace operation when holding court banquets.

A Social Historical Study on Security System of Goryo Period (고려시대(高麗時代) 시위제도(侍衛制度)에 관한 사적고찰(史的考察))

  • Kim, Chang-Ho;Min, Jae-Ki
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.15
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    • pp.107-128
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    • 2008
  • It was started that Shiwe-goon was organized from Shilla-end to Goryeo foundation a country in powerful families existence merely royal household by stably plan means in the reign of Taejo. Generally Shiwe-goon was dutie king' personal danger of protection. Shiwe-goon was organized castle of guarding, stand by king and royal household side armed strength to going on a trip and general armed-organization was collapsed for Goryeo-end continued existence. Goryeo era of Shiwe-organization was divided central army and region army. Two-goon(Eungyang-goon, Yongho-goon) was undertaken king of Shiwe army and six-we(Chunwoo-we, Geumoh-we, Gammoon-we, Jeoawoo-we, Shinoh-we, Hongwe-we) was undertaked capital of guard and the border of defense duty. Central army of commanders was called Sangjanggoon, Daejanggoon. Sangjanggoon and Daejanggoon was discussed military officer of conference apparatus in Jungbang. Jungbang was got afterward Mooshinjungbeon happened military of statesman grasping political power with authority a main stay. Mooshinjungkwen era was appeared modernistic mean of privately guarding organization in Dobang and Naedobang. According as Shiwe-organization was charged military organization as a part of sovereign power and grasping strength of authority- maintenance for security and guarding duty. As a conclusion, national sovereign of guard was achieved not only personal life and body guard protection but also country of welfare protection in country-welfare dimension an inch of non-error. Also national sovereign of guard was considered guarding apparatus of allowance the largest duty and country-welfare direct connection with actual fact recognition in constancy effort.

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A Study on the Guard System in the Last Period of the Joseon Dynasty (구한말의 호위제도 고찰)

  • Lee, Sung-Jin
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.21
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    • pp.35-52
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    • 2009
  • The guard system in the last period of the Joseon Dynasty, established at the time of the struggle of invading world powers and the loss of the Dynasty rights, was strengthened to protect the Royal family and the Dynasty from the attacks of foreign powers. While investigating both the military system and the guard system from the beginning of King Gojong's direct royal governing to the time of Japanese annexation of Korea, we realize that the Joseon Dynasty not only lost the support of the public but also had little power to cope with the aggression of foreign countries. The reformation and strengthening by Daewongun, King Gojong's father, was made in preparation for King Gojong's direct royal rule. Nevertheless, the intervention of foreign countries in the domestic affairs of the Joseon Dynasty got worse. As opposed to their intervention, Queen Minbi had engaged in politics, which resulted in murderous attempts on her. The Joseon Dynasty had tried to reform and intensify the guard system. New names such as Muwiso, Chingunyeong, and Siwidai, had been given respectively. Such reformation and intensification had little effect because of two successive victories at the Sino-Japanese War and the Russo-Japanese War of Japan. Japan occupied the Joseon Dynasty by force after all. The guard system of Daehan-jeguk(the Empire of Korea) was eventually incapacitated; an army in the cause of justice was raised instead. However, The state of things and the guard system at that incapacitated period gives a good lesson for the establishment of a modern guard system at the present day.

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Study on the Guarding System in the latter "Choson" era (조선후기 호위제도의 고찰)

  • Lee, Sung-Jin
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.16
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    • pp.229-241
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    • 2008
  • he guarding system of the "Choson" era is completed by the Gyeongguk-daejeon(an administrative canon) at the kings "Sejong" and "Yejong", and it is supplemented at the King "Seongjong". "Geum-gun" is composed of "Naegeum-wi", "Gyeombok-sa", "Wirim-wi" and "Jeongro-wi" in the period before the Japanese Aggression of Korea in 1952, and in the period after the aggression war, the organization of the "Geum-gun" is changed repeatedly according to circumstances in the period after the aggression. They("Geum-gun") devote themselves to the protection of kings and the capital defense in the first period of the "Choson" era. The most important change of the "Geum-gun" is the practice of five military units system, three military units of them, "Hunryeon-dogam", "Eoyeong-cheong" and "Geumwi-yeong", take charge of the guard of kings and the capital defense, and "Chongyung-cheong" and "Sueo-cheong" take charge of the defense of the outer areas of the capital region with key positions located at "Namhan-sanseong" and "Bukhan-sanseong"(mountain fortress Walls). The function of the "Geum-gun" is extended through the aggressions, therefore the number of soldiers is increased greatly. The guarding system for the country and its royal family is frequently changed according to the improvement of the people's position with themselves-awakening and their understanding of realities. The reorganization of the "Geum-gun" including "Howi-cheong", "Geumgun-cheong", "Sukwi-so" and "Jangyong-yeong" is unavoidable to strengthen the royal rights that are weaken by deposing the king "Injo". The standing of the existing organizations is changed many times with financial problems. The enthronement of the king "Jeongjo" is a great epoch in the change of the guarding system.

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A comparison study of the characteristics of private and public security service of Koryo dynasty and modern security service (고려시대 공적·사적경호의 특성과 현대경호와의 비교연구)

  • Lee, Sung-Jin
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.36
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    • pp.417-442
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    • 2013
  • This study considers the characteristics of the separation of public and private security service during Koryo dynasty, and compares it with the modern security service. Modern day security service's definition of private and public security service was used to distinguish them. Given the different historical settings, it's difficult to argue that the distinction between public and private service during Koryo dynasty was clear, but it can be said that public security service was centered around palace guard and concerns the activities of protest, and military made for the relationship, and private security service was centered around power of DoBang and includes the activities of malingering, and Byolchogun. During the early days of Koryo, protest, district military and soldiers who stay in the palace were all parts of a palace revolt and this institutional improvement of soldiers who stay in the palace was accomplished during King Seongjong's rule. The tradition of a palace revolt can find its roots in the middle military, and after the unification, a palace revolt was reformed into the king's palace revolt of second and the 6th along the course of establishing the nation's system. All of the changes stem from the reformation for consolidating the royal authority. Gyung Dae Seoung wanted to protect himself and he slept with his army night and days and because of that, group of soldiers was created and it was called DOBANG. Some members were from dobang gyeonryong, The forced were powerful because it was gathered with a warriors with extraordinaire martial arts and competent management. Most of the soldiers followed gyeong dae seung because they believed that he has a strong leadership and loves his people, and had a strong faith in him. However, the general gyeong jang had a belief that politics must be reverted to the previous so the relationships between jungbang wasn't smooth. Because of the economic operational problems, due to fraud committed by the mens under his command failed to maintain integrity and was criticised.The misconception also fed up with the emperor and the deepening relationships between the soldiers, his dobang was dismantled. After he took over the dobang, for his personal safety and to strengthen his position he compensated gyeon dae seong's dobang and developed the organization. In the process of extending the dobang Choi chung heon recruited many talented people to strengthen the military base, and also accepted the advice and expanded the power of Dobang. Choi Chung Heon thus consolidated his political gains by weakening the power of the king's army and adjusting the myth, which could've threatened his regime, and this was called Dobang number 6th. Dobang number six got even more powerful by his son named Choi woo, and after ruling, he expanded into a room, and a substantial reorganization of Dobang was developed. And then the creation of yabyeolcho also showed the effect to prevent the crisis. Although the palace guards who were public security service of Koryo Dynasty was still maintained during the military rule era when the royal authority was incapacitated, it was only maintained to have a symbolic meaning as the actual authority including military power was with Choi, the master of Dobang, private security service group. Likewise, during the rule of Choi, private securty service could reign over public security service, and the noteworthy characteristic of Dobang is that it assisted the private soldier groups to seize the military power by reorganizing and modifying military system. Although both differences and similarities can be found when comparing the guards of Koryo Dynasty with those of contemporary society, they have a similarity in terms of the essence of guards that they guarantee the safety of their clients. As for differences, the royalty of Koryo Dynasty and the pursuit of profit of contemporary society are in contrast, and contemporary guards can be seen as the fulfillment of responsibility and duty by free will, whereas guards of Koryo Dynasty were ruled with military coercion.

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History of Guard System during the Period of Military Rule in the Goryeo Dynasty (고려 무신집권기 호위제도의 경호학적 고찰)

  • Lee, Sung-Jin;Cho, Sung-Jin
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.34
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    • pp.233-258
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    • 2013
  • In the early days of the Goryeo Dynasty, the royal guard was comprised of the central regular army in the 2-gun-6-wi system, and Nasungeomgun was in charge of the security inside the palace. However, the military system became disorganized during the period of military rule and the royal guard had to rely on military subjects. The military officials suppressed the civil ministers centering on Jungbang, the guarding organization close to the King to incapacitate the royal authority and control the state affairs. When the rule of the three leaders of the military rule became short-lived and Dae-seung Gyeong is raised to the ruler, he organized a do-or-die squad comprised of a hundred and more people for his personal safety, and this became the first dobang. Dobang was disassembled after Dae-seung Gyeong died of disease, but under the rule of Chung-heon Choe, Dae-seung Gyeong's dobang was revived and reinforced into 'Yukbeon Dobang' to provide the ruler with personal protection and intensify the ruling system, and it was quite a large organization with more refined system. Yukbeon Dobang was expanded and reinforced into Naeoedobang under the rule of Woo Choe, the son of Chung-heon Choe, and it was enhanced even more into Dobang Samsipyukbeon System under the rule of the grandson, Hang Choe. Dobang can be considered as the guard organization in modern sense, and it collected information and surveyed the area where guarding is required and house troops that belonged to Naedobang eliminated the risks that may follow afterwards to make assurance doubly sure for guarding. The Choe's regime established Mabyeolcho as a private guard organization in addition to dobang, and this formed the cavalry and infantry units with dobang. Yabyeolcho organized by Woo Choe in the reign of King Gojong was divided into Joabyeolcho and Ubyeolcho, and later Sineuigun was integrated with them to form Sambyeolcho. Originally, Yabyeolcho was established under the rule of Woo Choe to prevent crime in the evening, but after Sineuigun was organized with the ones who were captured by Mongolian army but escaped, in other words when Sambyeolcho was organized, the organization displayed much broader influence by covering military and police affairs as well as punishment and imprisonment. The guarding organization during the Period of Military Rule in the Goryeo Dynasty did not have strict distinction between official guard and personal guard. The private guard in modern days which is the equivalent of personal guard is characterized by its commerciality, however, house troops and the members of dobang did not seem to pursued profit. The guard organization during the period of military rule started from dobang which was organized for personal safety but gradually developed publicness through the participation of civil ministers and expansion, and later it played the pivotal role for social security serving official purpose up to the level where the distinction between official and private activities was blurred during the period of Sambyeolcho.

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Discussion on the Strategic Priorities and Navy's Coping in the Interwar Period Britain, 1919?1939 (「전간기 영국의 전략 우선순위 논의와 영국해군의 대응, 1919-1939」)

  • Jeon, Yoon-Jae
    • Strategy21
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    • s.32
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    • pp.123-159
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    • 2013
  • The purpose of this research paper is to re-valuate the factors that affected the Royal Navy's rearmament and preparation for war by conducting analysis on the discussion held in the Britain on the strategic priorities and Navy's coping measures adopted during the interwar period. After the end of the WWI, each of the military arms of the Britain faced significant difficulty in securing budget and increasing their military power all throughout the interwar period, and the Navy was not an exception. The WWII that got started on September 1939 was the turning point in which this difficulty led to full-fledged crisis. Immensely many criticisms followed after the war and problems were identified when it comes to the Royal Navy's performance during the war. This type of effort to identify problem led to the attempt to analyze whether Royal Navy's preparation for war and rearmament policy during interwar period were adequate, and to identify the root causes of failure. Existing studies sought to find the root cause of failed rearmament from external factors such as the deterioration of the Britain itself or pressure from the Treasury Department to cut the budget for national defense, or sought to detect problems from the development of wrong strategies by the Navy. However, Royal Navy's failed preparation for the war during interwar period is not the result of one or two separate factors. Instead, it resulted due to the diverse factors and situations that the Britain was facing at the time, and due to intricate and complex interaction of these factors. Meanwhile, this research paper focused on the context characterized by 'strategic selection and setting up of priorities' among the various factors to conduct analysis on the Navy's rearmament by linking it with the discussion held at the time on setting up strategic priorities, and sought to demonstrate that the Navy Department's inadequate counter-measures developed during this process waned Royal Navy's position. After the end of WWI, each of the military arms continued to compete for the limited resources and budget all throughout the interwar period, and this type of competition amidst the situation in which the economic situation of Britain was still unstable, made prioritization when it comes to the allocation of resources and setting up of the priorities when it comes to the military power build-up, inevitable. Amidst this situation, the RAF was able to secure resources first and foremost, encouraged by the conviction of some politicians who were affected by the 'theory of aerial threat' and who believed that curtailing potential attack with the Air Force would be means to secure national security at comparatively lower cost. In response, Navy successfully defended the need for the existence of Navy despite the advancement of the aerial power, by emphasizing that the Britain's livelihood depends on trade and on the maintenance of maritime traffic. Despite this counter-measuring logic, however, Navy's role was still limited to the defense of overseas territory and to the fleet run-off instead of sea traffic route production when it comes to the specific power build-up plan, and did not understand the situation in which financial and economic factors gained greater importance when it comes to the setting up of strategic priorities. As a result, Navy's plan to build its powers was met with continual resistance of the Treasury Department, and lost the opportunity to re-gain the status of 'senior service' that it had enjoyed in the past during the competition for strategic prioritization. Given that the strategic and economic situation that Korea faces today is not very different from that of the Britain during the interwar period, our Navy too should leverage the lessons learned from the Royal Navy to make the effort to secure viable position when it comes to the setting of priorities in case of national defense strategy by presenting the basis on why maritime coping should be prioritized among the numerous other threats, and by developing the measures for securing the powers needed effectively amidst the limited resources.

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Implantable Drug Delivery Systems-Design Process

  • Vincent, Croquet;Benolt, Raucent;Onori, Mauro
    • International Journal of Precision Engineering and Manufacturing
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    • v.7 no.4
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    • pp.40-46
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    • 2006
  • The market of programmable implantable pumps has bound to a monopolistic situation, inducing high device costs, thus making them inaccessible to most patients. Micro-mechanical and medical innovations allow improved performances by reducing the dimensions. This affects the consumption and weight, and, by reducing the number of parts, the cost is also affected. This paper presents the procedure followed to design an innovative implantable drug delivery system. This drug delivery system consists of a low flow pump which shall be implanted in the human body to relieve pain. In comparison to classical known solutions, this pump presents many advantages of high interest in both medical and mechanical terms. The first section of the article describes the specifications which would characterize a perfect delivery system from every points of view. This concerns shape, medication, flow, autonomy, biocompatibility, security and sterilization ability. Afterwards, an overview of existing systems is proposed in a decisional tree. Positive displacement motorized pumps are classified into three main groups: the continuous movement group, the fractioned translation group and the alternative movement group. These systems are described and the different problems which are specific to these mechanisms are presented. Since none of them fully satisfy the specifications, an innovation is justified.. The decisional tree is therefore extended by adding new principles: fractioned refilling and fractioned injection within the fractioned translation movement group, spider guiding system within the alternative translation movement group, rotational bearing guided device and notch hinge guided device in the alternative rotation movement group.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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