• Title/Summary/Keyword: Royal Tombs

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Chemical Properties on the Quality of Marketed Roasting Green teas (시판 덖음녹차의 품질에 따른 이화학적 특성)

  • 신미경;장미경;서은숙
    • Korean journal of food and cookery science
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    • v.11 no.4
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    • pp.356-361
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    • 1995
  • This study was conducted to know the quality of marketed green teas which were devided into high, middle and low grade according to the price. we examined the content of water, ash, total nitrogen, tannin, caffeine, chlorophyll and color value and did sensory evaluation. The results were as follows: 1) The content of water was 2.17-3.67% and content of ash was 4.50-5.17%, there were no significant difference in each grade. 2) The content of total nitrogen was 4.38% in high grade, 4.60% in middle grade and 4.68% in low grade. 3) The content of tannin was 11.09% in high grade, 14.22% in middle grade and 14.44% in low grade, middle and low grade were significantly higher than high grade. 4) The nitrogen rate to tannin (N/T) was 39.5% in high grade, 32.6% in middle grade and 32.70% in low grade, N/T rate of high grade was significantly highest than others. 5) The content of caffeine is 1.78% in high grade, 1.32% in middle grade and 0.92% in low grade, high and middle grade were significantly higher than low grade. 6) The content of total chlorophyll is 297.37 mg% in high grade, 192.89 mg% in middle grade and 204.79 mg% in low grade, chlorophyll a was 69.23 mg% in high grade, 51.99 mg% in middle grade and 63.42 mg% in low grade, and chlorophyll b was 228.47 mg% in high grade, 131.21 mg% in middle grade and 141.63 mg% in low grade. 7) Yellow value of high and middle grade were significantly higher than low grade, but blue and red value were no significant diffrence in groups. 8) In sensory evaluation, appearance, taste, odor of high grade were better than others and total score was 15.25 in high grade, 12.97 in middle grade and 9.80 in low grade. 9) Price had a positive correlation with caffeine, appearance and taste, but a negative correlation with tannine. NT rate had a negative correlation with tannine, but a positive correlation with caffeine.

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The 18C Hamkyung-Gamsa's Sulryeok Routes and major duties (18세기 함경도 관찰사의 순력(巡歷) 노정과 주요 업무)

  • Yeo, Sang-Jin
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.18 no.9
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    • pp.84-91
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    • 2017
  • This study examined the routes, periods, and characteristics of Hamkyung-Gamsa's Sulryeok(巡歷) and his major duties during the Sulryeok. For this purpose, all hitherto known Hamkyung-Gamsa's official diaries, such as "Gwanbukilgi(關北日記)", "Sunryeokilrok(巡歷日錄)" and 'Buksunilgi(北巡日記)', 'Bukhaengilrok(北行日錄)' of "Dongbukansarok(東北按使錄)", were investigated closely. The main results of this study are as follows. 1) The Hamkyung-Gamsa's Sulryeok routes almost took the Gyeongheungro, which was one of the six main roads in the Joseon dynasty. The use of this road as the Sulryeok route was attributed to the rough terrain. 2) The Sulryeok routes were divided into two ways: the north and south routes centering on HamheungGamyoung. As Hamheung is located in the southern part of Hamgyeong-do, the northern Sulryeok route, which reached the downstream side of the Tuman River and border defense facilities, was long and took a long period of time. 3) Hamkyung-Gamsa's major duties during the northern Sulryeok route were to check the border defense facilities and hold literary and archery contests and special state examinations, especially in Gilju. His major duties during the southern Sulryeok route were to inspect and maintain the royal tombs and historical landmarks, such as Junwonjeon, Sukreung, Jireung. 4) Sometimes the routes of Hamkyung-Gamsa's Sulryeok included some sightseeing spots, which were famous for ten scenic spots of Bukgwan.

A Study on the Spatial Composition of Heungwon(興園) - From the Myo(墓) to the Won(園) - (흥원(興園)의 공간 구성에 관한 연구 - 묘(墓)에서 원(園)으로 -)

  • Paek, Chong-Chul
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.3
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    • pp.75-82
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    • 2020
  • Heungseon Daewonwang Lee Ha-eung was the father of King Gojong, who appointed as Daewongun in December 1863. On February 2, 1898, after the death of Heungseon Daewongun, he was buried in the Asodang in Gongdeok-dong, Mapo-gu, where he normally enjoyed. On August 24, 1907, he was promoted to Daewonwang. After being promoted to Daewonwang, the Asodang tomb was relocated to Daedeok-dong, Paju, and the tomb was promoted to Won. In the Wonchim space promoted to the facilities suitable for the original were created, and through this, it was possible to analyze the characteristics of the Wonchim and the Wonchim space of the tomb on the Heungwon. In addition, by comparing and analyzing the spatial composition between Myo and Won, it was possible to derive the spatial composition characteristics of the Joseon Dynasty Won(園), and Myo(墓). Looking at the research results derived through the analysis of 『Heungwon Cheonbong Registration』, tomb of Heungseon Daewongun, located in Asodang, Mapo-gu, was promoted to Heungseon Daewonwang, and was relocated as Jangneung in Uncheon-ri, Paju, the former tomb of King Injo. The promoted of tomb was also promoted from Myo to Won. In addition, the storehouses and facilities used in Mapo Asodang were moved to Uncheon-ri, Paju, and reused. Newly constructed monuments, Biseog, Chimgak, Jemulgo, Subokcheong, Hongsalmun, and Wells according to the promoted of the Won. It was confirmed that there is a difference in the spatial composition of Won and Myo when looking at the difference in the composition of the ornament objects and the facility.

The Funeral Rites for Queen Wongyeong during Early Joseon and the Characteristics Thereof (조선 초기 원경왕후 상장례(喪葬禮) 의식과 그 특징)

  • Yang, Jung-hyun
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.45
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    • pp.7-50
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    • 2014
  • This study focuses on the funeral rites for Queen Wongyeong during the early Joseon period as part of a review of the changes in the state funeral system and ceremonial procedures. Conducted by the king in his role as chief mourner, the state funeral for King Taejong's wife Queen Wongyeong that emerged during the 2nd year of King Sejong marked the first example recorded in the sillok (Annals of the Joseon Dynasty) of the three year-mourning rite being applied. In terms of the clothing for the state funeral, the significance of Jolgok (a rite conducted on the 100th day following the day of death) was emphasized, while the existing yeokwolje (period of wearing mourning clothes, one month was equated with one day) was abandoned. The existing temporary office system for state funerals was reorganized into a three-office system consisting of the Binjeon dogam (Office for Chapel of Rest), Gukjang dogam (Office for Funeral Rites), and Salleung dogam (Office for the Establishment of Royal Tombs). Buddhism-related rites greatly decreased and were increasingly regulated. The ceremonial procedures were also modified in accordance with the rites directly conducted by the king during the three-year mourning period. The basic pattern of the ceremonial procedure consisted of kneeling / wailing - salute - kneeling/ wailing, and, based on the wuje (rites to console the deceased), was divided into 'make offerings to the deceased' (奠, jeon) and 'hold a memorial service for the deceased' (祭, je). This reflected the differing perceptions of jeon (奠) and je (祭) following the establishment of auspicious rites (gillye) during the reign of King Taejong. In short, the state funeral for Queen Wongyeong provides materials with which to analyze the establishment of the funeral rites and ceremonial procedures designed based on the actual three-year mourning period observed by the king, study the ritual ceremonies conducted during the ancient period, as well as foster an understanding of ancient systems.

Storytelling using Hyochang Park's historical middle layer and symbolism (효창공원의 역사적 중층성과 상징성을 이용한 스토리텔링)

  • Kang, Hyekyung
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.5 no.1
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    • pp.227-234
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    • 2019
  • Hyochang Park was the royal tomb of the Joseon Dynasty, where were the tombs of Prince Munhyo and his birth mother Ui-bin Seong, king Soonjo's concubine Sook-Ui Park and Youngon princess by a concubine. It was upgraded from Hyochang tomb to Hyochangwon at King Gojong. The Japanese imperialism destroyed Hyochangwon and made it into a park, also moved to Seosamneung in 1944. After returning from Chongqing after liberation, Kimgu made the independence movement tomb in the empty space of Hyochang Park. There were 3 martyr's tomb, provisional government figure tomb. Kimgu himself was buried in Hyochang Park after his death in 1949. During the regime of Rhee Seung-man and Park Jeong-hee, there was a constant attempt to change the identity of Hyochang Park, where independence activists were buried. Hyochang Stadium, Wonhyo buddhist priest's Statue and North Korean Anti-Communist Tower were established. After democratization in 1987, the independence activist tomb of Hyochang Park began to gain meaning again. The 6th Republic succeeded the provisional government in the Constitution, also the national cemetery and independent park of Hyochang Park were attempted but the social consensus could not be achieved. This study focuses on the historical middle layer and symbolism of Hyochang Park and aims to contribute to social consensus on the identity of Hyochang Park by making a storytelling on the theme of 'Independence Road'.

Understanding the Difference in Residents' Perception of the Vulnerability of Local Ecological Assets - Focused on Paju, Gyeonggi-do - (지역 생태자산의 훼손 취약성에 대한 거주민의 인식 차이 - 경기도 파주지역을 대상으로 -)

  • Son, Yong-Hoon;Lee, Ju-Kyung;Kim, Do-Eun;Kwon, Hyuksoo
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.49 no.1
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    • pp.31-41
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    • 2021
  • This study targets the city of Paju, Gyeonggi-do, where many challenges are facing ecological assets management due to the increase in recent development. Using the survey data provided by the National Institute of Ecology in Korea, the study analysed the differences in the local residents' perception of local ecological assets. The Q methodology, which is useful for revealing differences in opinions, was applied to classify the narrative groups, which had different points of view in evaluating each asset. Next, the study compared the differences in perceptions of the vulnerability of ecological assets. As a result of the analysis, the city of Paju was divided into two main narrative groups: a 'Nature Conservation Group' and a 'Heritage Conservation Group'. The Nature Conservation Group wanted to prioritize ecologically valuable assets, such as wetlands, brackish zones, and forests. The Heritage Conservation Group preferred preserving ecological assets having a cultural contexts, such as royal tombs, graves, and the surrounding landscape. Evaluating the ecological assets, the two groups identified 23 ecological sites under threat from development among the 25 ecological sites considered. The Nature Conservation Group noted the importance of sites such as the Sannam Wetlands, Gongneungcheon, Gongneungcheon Brackish Zone, and Simhak Mountain. These were considered to be the most vulnerable ecological assets in the city. The study found differences in the perceived values for each ecological asset by residents. The results can serve as useful data for decision-making on ecological asset management in the city of Paju.

Reconsideration of the Meaning of Sam-Tai-Ji (삼태극의 의미고찰)

  • Kim, Myoung Hee
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.4-15
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    • 2012
  • Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.

Characteristics and Production Period of Goryo(高麗) Iron 'Sung(成)' Inscribed Celadon (고려(高麗) 철화(鐵畵) '성(成)' 명청자(銘靑瓷)의 특징(特徵)과 제작시기(製作時期))

  • Han, Sung Uk
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.41 no.2
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    • pp.61-78
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    • 2008
  • Celadons painted in underglaze iron brown 'Sung(成)' inscription are characteristic celadons excavated only at the No. 7 kiln site located at Sadang-ri(沙堂里), Daegu-myeon(大口面), Gangjin-gun(康津郡), Jeollanamdo(全羅南道), Korea and has inscription in the inner center of the foot by brush. The inscription was marked where it is not easily seen. it can be assumed that since it showed a variety of hand writings, many people were involved in manufacturing these celadons and the 'Sung' inscription was marked after workshop rather than manufacturer. It was also found that quality of glaze, paste, shape, pattern and firing method were same and these were manufactured with the same techniques in the same period. Kinds of these celadons were mainly sets of tablewares including bowl with handle, bowl, plate, cup, bowl with cover and bottle. Raised relief designs using extrusion technic were especially preferred rather than incised designs and inlaid designs. Cases of using inlaid designs were not frequently found compared to incised designs, thus it can be assumed that in this period, inlaid designs were not generally used. Special designs having the meaning of authority or dignity such as chrysanthemum, peony, parrot and lotus plate designs were not found. Foot was molded with 'U' type except some bowls with cover and plates and firing was done after glazing the whole surface of the ceramic with the support of quartzite at 3 to 4 places of inner bottom of foot. Production period of these celadons with 'Sung' inscription can not be confirmed from other excavation sites outside of No. 7 kiln site at Sadang-ri since there are no other excavation sites whose relics bear 'Sung' inscription. Through comparison research with other relics bear the characteristics of these celadons from tombs, temple sites, shipwrecks, production period of these celadons with 'Sung' inscription can be assumed as second quarter of 13th century. And since the quality of these celadons are generally inferior to the top-quality celadons which were supplied to royal familes and high-ranking aristocrats, it can be deducted that these celadons with 'Sung' inscription were supplied to classes lower than royal familes and high-ranking aristocrats. So it is considered that Celadons with 'Sung' inscription have a great significance as a chronological material to complement the blank of the first half of the 13th century because most of celadons with raised relief designs and engraved relief designs were attributed to 12th century, the period of prosperity.

Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.123-154
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    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

King Sejo's Establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple and Its Semantics (세조의 원각사13층석탑 건립과 그 의미체계)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.101
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    • pp.12-46
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    • 2022
  • Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.