• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.51-59
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• 2013

The ritual for community is a group ritual performed by the regional community of a village for the safety of the residents and abundant harvests. However, many ritual places have been destroyed by the anti-superstition movement, New Community Movement (Saemaul Movement), industrialization and urbanization since the 1960s. Under the circumstances, this study researched the status of use of the ritual place in Beommul-dong in Daegu where the ritual was revived in 2004 after having been suspended since the end of the 1980s due to urbanization. The revival of the ritual for community in Beommul-dong in Daegu, which had been maintained by the village people alone, is the prime example of the vitalization of local community as the recreation of local community, since the ritual has been transformed into a kind of festival involved with and financed by the local government. The study on analyzing the usage pattern of the ritual place may provide useful sources to come up with the modernized functions of the ritual place as a community place, where the heads of the ward office and cultural center, lawmakers and most of the residents perform the ritual, share foods and tread on the God of the Earth across the village at 11:30 in the morning on every January 16 of the lunar calendar.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.29 no.6
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• pp.79-88
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• 2020

During the Joseon Dynasty, the rituals that were celebrated in the palaces were mainly held inside the palace and in the courtyard of the palace. Mats were spread on the floor of the place where the ritual was held. The mats spread in the Joseon Dynasty rituals divided the space in various ways, and in particular, they were spread in a certain form in the spaces of royal wedding, customs, and court banquet. Mats were the primary physical element that divided the royal ritual space of the Joseon Dynasty, and functioned to elevate the general space to the ritual space. In the ritual space, mats were spread inside the palace, and divided the courtyard of the palace into left and right in a symmetrical form to distinguish the hierarchy of the participants. Mats with special and white patterns were spread in the external ceremonial space and mats with flower and colorful patterns were spread in the internal ceremonial space. This was the subdivision of the Confucianism's male-female division through the mat. The pattern of the mat that divided the space of the royal family elders also meant longevity to reflect the filial thoughts of the Confucianism through the mat. Mats were a physical element for subdividing the royal family and the participants in the hierarchy of the space where the ritual is held, and it also performed a subdividing function between the royal participants. In other words, in the Joseon Dynasty ritual space, mats were temporarily spread while the ritual is being celebrated and functioned to elevate the space to a ritual space. It is confirmed that the fact that the mats were temporarily spread to divide the space into the hierarchies according to the status and were subdivided into colors and patterns to perform the function to reflect the subdivision of the royal family according to Confucianism and the statue of filial piety in the ritual.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.161-191
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• 2014

The entry of the logging industry in the once heavily forested riverine middle Agusan Valley where aboriginal Manobos live meant the entry of the material practice of wage labor into this out-of-the-way place. Wage labor converted the once relatively isolated, subsistence animist Manobos into laborers of the expanding capitalist regime. A symptom of modernity, this wage labor also accompanied the coming of Visayan settlers (also loggers paid by wage) who introduced indigenous Manobos the compadrazgo social relationship. This friendly relationship across ethnic identities legitimated social ties and is a social material practice represented in recent bilingual Manobo possession rituals where the Visayan spirit is incarnated along with Manobo spirits. To understand the idea behind spirit embodiment, I explore Manobo ritual as mimesis or poeisis. This representation is shaped by concrete material realities as much as these realities, in turn, are reconfigured by ritual practice. In the older Manobo cosmology, which is based on subsistence economy and dependent on the forest and rivers, individuals have an externalized self (as manifest in the idea of twin soul), in which the inner vital principle is co-extensive with a spirit double in cosmos. Manobos imitate the perceived workings of nature in ritual so as to control them in times of illnesses. In contrast, the mimesis of the Visayan spirit is based on a different political economic set up with its attendant asymmetrical interpersonal relationship. By symbolically representing the Visayan patron as friend, Manobos are able to negotiate the predicament of their subalternity in local modernity.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.167-184
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to investigate actual conditions of family/kin ritual transition and to find out relationships to socio-economic variables. For this purpose, 716 subjects of urban family were interviewed with questionnaires. The results of this study may be summarized as follows: 1. It was discovered the pervasive themes of family/kin ritual transition: westernization, commercialization, socialization, and cultural anomie. 2. In contemporary family/kin rites, traditional structure coexists with external westernized aspects under the influnce of industrialization and commercialization. The rites were continued to provide a place where participants reproduce the ideology of patriarchal family group, especially the strong parent-child ties and narrow kin relationships. 3. Respondents who support traditional ritual style are old, lower class, and Buddhist. 4. Respondents who support westernization and socialization of family/kin rites are young, higher class, and Christian. But family/kin rites are not affected by sex relatively.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.13 no.9
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• pp.4244-4252
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• 2012

This study aims to analyze the late 18th century Hanghae-Gamsa's(黃海監司; the provincial governor of Hanghae-Do) utilization of governing institutions in Haeju-Mok(海州牧) focused on his duties and ritual ceremonies. Haeyeong-Ilgi("海營日記") which is Hangha-Gamsa's official diary written by Mae-Su Seo(1731-1818) is closely investigated for that purpose. The arrival ceremonies were held at Geumcheon and the Gyogwui(交龜; the change-over ritual ceremonies) were held at Geumcheon and Baecheon. Especially the arrival ceremony held at Haeju-Mok is very spectacular compared with other cities. Through this study it was able to confirm the place of regular and irregular ritual ceremonies held and the aspects of governing institutions' utilization in Haeju-Mok.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.107-129
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• 2016

This article is about the tradition and history of Baekjesooryukjae(Sooryukjae, one of the Buddhist ritual is called Baekjesooryukjae in Buyeo), which is conducted in Baekje Cultural Festival, the annual festival that is held in Buyeo. Buyeo was a place where various ritual books on Sooryukjae were published, and where Bumpae(Buddhist chants) were taught centering on Mooryang Temple. Based on this tradition, to comfort the lonely spirit of Baekje and pacify the three thousand court ladies, Sooryukjae started to be held 60 years ago. Baekjesooryukjae, unlike Sooryukjae of other regions, have the feature that it is held on the river. In Buyeo, where ritual books were published many times and where there was its own Buyeo education, Sooryukjae is assumed to have been handed down for a long time. Thanks to such historical tradition, Sooryukjae was held as a ritual of pacification in Baekje Cultural Festival. Baekjesooryukjae has unique characteristics. Baekjesooryukjae, which started with the proposal of the residents, shows off its status as the one and only water Sooryukjae that is currently existent, and it shows there are significant meanings depending on the changing venues of 재차 as well as the composition of 재차. It is a Sooryukjae with 60 year-long tradition and locality, history.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.48
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• pp.261-288
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• 2012

This paper attempts to research on the new language in the directing of Ara Kim. She was cranky on working on the stage to experiment with her own style since the 1980s and so opened a new dawn in modern Korean theatre. She leaded the Korean experimental theatre. The background of this experiment is her idea on theatre. And here, we have to look the subject that she setted for the work in Chuksan: Ritual Past, Ritual Present. To her, the theatre has the function of ritual and fest. The theatre suggests universal tragedy given to human as natural life force and has its own agenda to drive people to healing. For it, Ara Kim explores archetypal forms and languages before the fragmentation of genres of art. Her theatre shows the results of experiments in which such languages are recreated with modernized sensibilities. We here, for example by outdoor performance in Chuksan Human Lear, try to interpret the aesthetic principles that body out her ritual theatre. And what we looked at though, is the base of the 'complex-genre-music-theatre', the methode to 'compose' the stage elements and put it all together. The directing of Ara Kim has, in terms of the composition of the stage elements, much of the indisputable artistic value. Her theatre is, so to speak, theatre of image, and it is theatre of imagination that completed by the audience's imagination. Human Lear which has its own characteristic in image fragments, convert the original Lear into a simple tale. It serves as background of the modern ritual that shows the most basic human instincts. We meet in Human Lear a ritual tale with some list of image for the human instincts. The arrangement of image, the montage of scene shows the performance as a kind of artistic space. In Human Lear the space is the natural one. It centers around the arena stage. The objects installed in the space changes it into the laboratory for 'seeing' the happening. The spectators see the performance and at the same time see themselves in the nature laboratory. They see, and equally, they are visible objects. They see the performance and us in the space in which the performance takes place. That is what Ara Kim with her modern ritual really aims. That aim is to this days still in effect. It is a major driver of her experiments to extend the boundary of the theatre. The ritualistic site-specific performance in Akor Wat, Cambodia, A Song of Mandala is the latest great product from her experiments. On the other hand, she continues on her way to experiment with pure stage elements. The 'Station' series(Station of Water, The Station of Sand, The Station of Wind) she recently showed are the non-verbal performance with all the stage elements: movement, sound, body, light, colour, objects and so on.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.581-607
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• 2019

Noting that exorcism play and mask play are different in their ritual nature, this paper aims to examine their ritual through the social drama theory of Victor Turner, a cultural anthropologist. Turner views every incident in human history as a social drama and interprets it based on the four-step structural theory of breach, crisis, redressive action, and reintegration. In particular, he believes that the redressive phase takes place through a ritual solution rather than a legal or political solution in the village community. Based on such Turner's theory, Chapter 2 analyzes Yeonggamnori, Jeju's typical exorcism play, and explains the process leading to reintegration in accordance with peaceful ritual. Chapter 3 then analyzes the Puppet Play on the same principle and examines that redressive action is being resolved through a sacrificial ritual in the case of this play. Chapter 4 checks whether the results from the previous two plays show similar aspects in other traditional plays. To this end, the exorcism play will be analyzed for Jeju's Seocheon Flower Play, Junsangnori, Segyeongnori and Sanshinnori, while the mask play will include Bongsan Mask Dance, Yangju Byeonsandae Play, Goseong Ogwangdae and Hahoe Mask Dance. As a result of these studies, it is the main point of the study to prove that exorcism play and mask play are different in their ritual nature. However, this research is only in the stage of seeking differences in its ritual, and the review on the historical and social causes of differences is left as a research task at a later date.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.70-83
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• 2021

The issue of predicting the relationship between humans and AI robots is a 'strong AI' problem. Many experts predict the tragic ending which is a strong AI with superior thinking ability than humans will conquer humans. Due to the expectations of AI robots are projected onto media, the 'morally good AI' that meets human expectations is an important issue. However, the demand for good AI and the realization of perfect technology is not limited to machines. Rather, it appears as a result of putting all responsibility on humans, driving humans into immoral beings and turning them into human and human problems, which is resulting in more alienation and discrimination. As such, the result of technology interacts with the human being used and its properties are determined and developed according to the reaction. This again affects humans. Therefore, AI technology that considers human emotions in consideration of interaction is also important. Therefore, this study will clarify the process that the demand for 'Good AI' in the relationship of AI to humans with Randall Collins' Interaction Ritual Chain. Emotional energy in Interaction Ritual Chain has explained the formation of human bonds. Also, the methodology is a type of thinking experiment and explained through Janet and surrounding characters in the TV show .

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.85-93
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• 2014

Although the Chungmak village, Gyeokpo-ri, Buan-gun is a small seashore village, it's an important place that has the largest ancient maritime ritual sites in Korea. This 'Chungmak-dong Ritual Site'(5~6 century, Baekje of the Three-kingdom period) was located in the Dangsan forest of Black Pine (Pinus thunbergii) Colony, and that has a significant meaning concerned with Dangsan forest's origin. Chungmak village located in the Scenic Site # 13 named 'Chaeseokgang and Jeokbyeokgang coastal cliff in Buan', and have retained the Jeollabuk-do Tangible Cultural Property # 58 named 'Suseongdang', the Natural Monument # 123 named 'Machilus community in Gyeokpo-ri, Buan'. The 'Suseongdang Gaeyang Grandmother Dangsinje (Village Ritual)' which is Dangsan ritual has been held every year by village residents. The practical management of Suseongdang and Machilus community has been conducted by village residents. In this study, the landscape characteristics of the Dangsan forest were investigated including neighborhood elements such as Bibo forest, seashores, and farm fields. The conservation of cultural landscape was thought to be achieved by designating 'Protected Area of Sacred Natural Sites'. The Dangsan forest ought to be recognized for their valuable landscape characteristics. It should be managed as a protected area and a sacred natural sites in order to be registered as a World Cultural Heritage.