• Title/Summary/Keyword: Return Ratio

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Landscape Composition Based on Placement and Harmony in the Namgea Suhwon (치(置)와 화(和)의 개념으로 분석한 남계서원의 경관짜임)

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Shin, Sang-Sup
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.37 no.4
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    • pp.72-85
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    • 2009
  • This study attempts to examine the principles of landscape composition for a 'Suhwon(書院)' and the meaning and value of its traditional landscape architecture, in order to apply the results to the design of modern landscape architecture. A 'Suhwon' is a vital space containing the form and meaning of human activity. This study analyzes the characteristics of landscape composition in the construction of the Namgea Suhwon, located in Hamyang, by examining the form and meaning of its area and composition. The Namgea Suhwon was constructed with a suitable configuration and harmony in a good location, neither field nor mountain, and which encompasses transcendence and a return after passage through a period of birth and abundance. Its appearance means 'life existence and hidden death(生居死幽)'. Its spatial system is a reflection of the idea of Samshinoje(三神五帝: The three abilities of Providence and its five subjects) connected with Ilsangje -Samshin -Ohje. It was built based on the idea of Biryebudong(非禮不動) meaning that one should follow only good decorum and avoid discourtesy, complying with "the frame of decorum" developed by the family rites of Chu Hsi. The environmental design of the Namgea Suhwon was interrupted by the material confrontation between mountains and water and a binary code system, such as front to rear, length to breadth, and movement to stillness. The design did not adhere to stiff axes, but pursued the harmonic principles of asymmetric balance in the building and the yard, which are very naturalistic. The name 'Namgea Suhwon' is closely related with the view of placement(置) and harmony(和), which are unified with the function and meaning formed by connecting Sung Confucianism with the Pungsu-Sasinsa structure in the layout of the grounds. When examining the D/H ratio of the building and yard, it can be seen that the spaces of Ganghak, Yusang and Jehyang were built appropriately, according to the natural characteristics of each space, such as a sense of openness, enclosure, tension, relief, enhancement, and hierarchical order. The spaces also reflect human scale concepts that take advantage of auditory features. The transition process after the construction of 'Namgea Suhwon' reveals the intentions of the builder to create an ecological landscape composition based on Placement and Harmony. Placement embodies' a purposeful space in which nature and the building are connected naturally, 'incomplete open space pursuing completion', and 'potential beauty in which tension and relaxation are repeated'. Harmony embodies 'order and continuity having a sense of unity with the natural environment' and the 'sharing of daily life and memory'. 'Namgea Suhwon' contains many ideas for landscape planning, land use and the design of a campus environment.

Effects of Dietary Carbohydrase Enzyme Complex and Microbial Phytase Supplementation on Productivity and Nutrient Digestibility in Growing Pigs (탄수화물 분해 복합효소제와 미생물 파이테이즈의 첨가가 육성돈의 생산성 및 영양소 소화율에 미치는 영향)

  • Shim, Y.H.;Chae, B.J.;Lee, J.H.
    • Journal of Animal Science and Technology
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    • v.45 no.4
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    • pp.569-576
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    • 2003
  • An experiment was conducted to investigate the effect of microbial phytase (Natuphos$^{\circledR}$) supplementation, individually and in combination with carbohydrase enzyme complex (composed of enzymes targeted to SBM dietary components such as $\alpha$-galactosides and galactomannans; ENDO-POWER$^{\circledR}$) to corn-soy basis diet with low nutrient levels on growth performance and nutrient digestibility of growing pigs. A total of 48 crossbred weaned pigs (Landrace${\times}$Yorkshire${\times}$Duroc), 29.1$\pm$0.14 kg of initial body weight, were randomly allotted to four dietary treatments, based on weight and age, according to a Randomized Complete Block Design. There were three pens per treatment and 4 pigs per pen. The dietary treatments were 1) CON (control diet with 3,380 kcal/kg of metabolizable energy, 18.96% of crude protein, 1.10% of lysine, 0.75% of calcium and 0.35% of available phosphorus), 2) LP+NTPS (CON diet with 0.15% unit lower available P levels+0.1% phytase (500 FTU/kg; Natuphos$^{\circledR}$)), 3) LEL+ENP (CON diet with 3.0% unit lower ME and lysine levels + 0.1% carbohydrase enzyme complex (ENDO-POWER$^{\circledR}$), and 4) LPEL+ENZ (CON diet with 0.15% unit lower available P levels and 3.0% unit lower ME and lysine levels+0.1% ENDO-POWER$^{\circledR}$ and 0.1% Natuphos$^{\circledR}$ (500 FTU/kg). There was no significant difference (p〉0.05) in average daily gain (ADG), average daily feed intake (ADFI) and feed conversion ratio (FCR) among dietary treatments during the whole experimental period (0 to 4 weeks). Apparent digestibility of gross energy was greater in LP+NTPS and LPEL+ENZ groups than in the LEL+ENP (p<0.05). Apparent digestibility of phosphorus was greater in LP+NTPS than in LEL+ENP (p<0.05). Dry matter excretion was lowest in LPEL+ENZ and phosphorus excretion was lowest in LP+NTPS (p<0.05). Overall, pigs fed on LPEL+ENZ group tended to have better nutrient digestibility (dry matter, gross energy, crude protein and phosphorus) than pigs fed on control group. All dietary enzyme treatment groups showed lower feed cost/body weight gain of pigs than control group. In conclusion, the results from the present study suggest that the simultaneous inclusion of phytase and carbohydrase enzyme complex to diets is advantageous with respect to reducing nutrient excretion of growing pigs and may contribute to increased economic return when added to corn-soy based growing pig diets.

Demonstration and Operation of Pilot Plant for Short-circuit Nitrogen Process for Economic Treatment of High Concentration Nitrogen Wastewater (고농도 질소함유폐수의 경제적 처리를 위한 단축질소공정 파일럿플랜트 실증화 및 운영 결과)

  • Lee, Jae Myung;Jeon, Ji-hyeong;Choi, Hong-bok
    • Journal of the Korea Organic Resources Recycling Association
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    • v.28 no.1
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    • pp.53-64
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    • 2020
  • A 2㎥/d combined wastewater treatment pilot plant containing the multi-stage vertical stacking type nitrification reactor was installed and operated for more than 1 year under the operating conditions of the short-circuit nitrogen process (pH 8, DO 1mg/L and Internal return rate 4Q from nitrification to denitrification reactor). For economically the combination treatment of food wastewater and the leachate from a landfill, the optimal combination ratio was operated by adjusting the food wastewater with the minimum oil content to 5-25% of the total throughput. The main treatment efficiency of the three-phase centrifugal separator which was introduced to effectively separate solids and oil from the food wastewater was about 52% of SS from 116,000mg/L to 55,700mg/L, and about 48% of normal hexane (NH) from 53,200mg to 27,800 mg/L. During the operational period, the average removal efficiency in the combined wastewater treatment process of BOD was 99.3%, CODcr 94.2%, CODmn 90%, SS 70.1%, T-N 85.8%, and T-P 99.2%. The average concentrations of BOD, CODcr, T-N, and T-P of the treated water were all satisfied with the discharge quality standard for landfill leachate ("Na" region), and SS was satisfied after applying the membrane process. On-site leachate had a relatively high nitrite nitrogen content in the combined wastewater due to intermittent aeration of the equalization tanks and different monthly discharges. Nevertheless nitrite nitrogen was accumulated, denitrification from nitrite nitrogen was observed rather than denitrification after complete nitrification. The average input of anti-forming chemical during the operation period is about 2L/d, which seems to be economical compared to the input of methanol required to treat the same wastewater.

Membership Fluidity and Knowledge Collaboration in Virtual Communities: A Multilateral Approach to Membership Fluidity (가상 커뮤니티의 멤버 유동성과 지식 협업: 멤버 유동성에 대한 다각적 접근)

  • Park, Hyun-jung;Shin, Kyung-shik
    • Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.19-47
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    • 2015
  • In this era of knowledge economy, a variety of virtual communities are proliferating for the purpose of knowledge creation and utilization. Since the voluntary contributions of members are the essential source of knowledge, member turnover can have significant implications on the survival and success of virtual communities. However, there is a dearth of research on the effect of membership turnover and even the method of measurement for membership turnover is left unclear in virtual communities. In a traditional context, membership turnover is calculated as the ratio of the number of departing members to the average number of members for a given time period. In virtual communities, while the influx of newcomers can be clearly measured, the magnitude of departure is elusive since explicit withdrawals are seldom executed. In addition, there doesn't exist a common way to determine the average number of community members who return and contribute intermittently at will. This study initially examines the limitations in applying the concept of traditional turnover to virtual communities, and proposes five membership fluidity measures based on a preliminary analysis of editing behaviors of 2,978 featured articles in English Wikipedia. Subsequently, this work investigates the relationships between three selected membership fluidity measures and group collaboration performance, reflecting a moderating effect dependent on work characteristic. We obtained the following results: First, membership turnover relates to collaboration efficiency in a right-shortened U-shaped manner, with a moderating effect from work characteristic; given the same turnover rate, the promotion likelihood for a more professional task is lower than that for a less professional task, and the likelihood difference diminishes as the turnover rate increases. Second, contribution period relates to collaboration efficiency in a left-shortened U-shaped manner, with a moderating effect from work characteristic; the marginal performance change per unit change of contribution period is greater for a less professional task. Third, the number of new participants per month relates to collaboration efficiency in a left-shortened reversed U-shaped manner, for which the moderating effect from work characteristic appears to be insignificant.

Economic Feasibility of Hill Land Development (산지개발(山地開發)의 경제성)

  • Kim, Dong-Min
    • Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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    • v.11 no.4
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    • pp.283-295
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    • 1979
  • A new Farmland Expansion and Development Promotion Law was enacted in 1975. This law authorizes the Government to undertake development within a declared "reclamation area", wherever the land owners are unable to do so. In order to give additional impetus to conversion of waste hilly land into productive farmland, these hilly land development projects were conducted as large scale scheme which include soil fertility improvements such as the application of lime and phosphate. Farmland Expansion and Development Promotion Corps has attempted to undertake annual farm surveys in order to obtain some information about hilly land agriculture and farming operations within the reclamation project areas since 1976. As survey data accumulates, more and more clear picture of hilly land farming come to appear and enable us to conduct in-depth study. Effects of such upland reclamation include converting of previously unproductive slopeland into cultivable farmland for lucrative and commercial farming or food production. Furthermore, idle or marginal resources such as farm labor, equipment and compost would be fully employed. Socio-economic effects would include increases in land value and attitude change of farmers. On the other hand the preservation of natural environments might be damaged to the some extend by the projects. As shown in Table 7, the average farm size increased from 3,156 pyeong($3.3m^2$) to 5,562 pyeong, a 76.2% increase. The proportion of small farms with less than I ha dropped from 59.8% to 34.4%, but that of the large farms over 2 ha rose from 13.1% to 32.0% (See Table 8). The survey results indicate that as the farming on reclaimed uplands become time-honored, the acreage devoted for food crop production decreases against the economic crop growing acreage (see Table 6). For example, in the case of uplands reclaimed in 1972, the ratio of food crop acreages decreased from 99.7% in 1972 to 62.5% in 1977, whereas that of economic crop acreages increased from 0.3% in 1972 to 37.5% in 1977. The government used to actively encourage the farmers to carry out food crop production in the reclaimed upland targting toward the realization of self-sufficiency in food grains. It is, however, apparent that the farmers did hardly take the government advises as far as their economic interest were concerned. Yield per 10a. of various crops from the reclaimed uplands by year were surveyed as seen in Table 12. On the average, barley production in the reclaimed areas achieved 83.3% of the average unit yield from the existing upland in its 5 th year. Soybean yields showed a modest increase from 64% in the first year to 95%, in the 5 th year. In contrast, economic crops such as red pepper, totacco and radish achieved their maximum target yields in 3 years from starting to cultivate on the reclaimed farms. In order to test the post economic viability, an economic analysis was performed for each of selected subprojects on the basis of the data obtained through survey. The average actual internal economic rate of return on upland reclamation investments was found to be 20.3% which exceeded other types of projects of land and water development such as tidal land reclamation, irrigation or paddy rearrangement. The actual IRRs of subcategories of upland reclamation projects varied from 17.9% to 21.4% depending upon the kinds of cropping system adopted in each reclaimed areas such as food, economic, fruit or forage crops.

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Clinical Characteristics of Elderly Patients with Pulmonary Tuberculosis (고령자 폐결핵에 대한 임상적 관찰)

  • Kim, Chung-Tae;Um, Hye-Suck;Lee, Hyang-Ju;Rhu, Nam-Soo;Cho, Dong-Il
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.49 no.4
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    • pp.432-440
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    • 2000
  • Background : The prevalence of pulmonary tuberculosis among the elderly is increasing in Korea and in the developed countries due to the increased elderly population and their predispositions to chronic disease, poverty and decreased immunity. To define the characteristics of pulmonary tuberculosis in the elderly, we evaluated the clinical spectrum of pulmonary tuberculosis. Method : We analyzed 92 patients retrospectively that were diagnosed as active pulmonary tuberculosis over the age of 65. The analysis involved patient's profiles, clinical manifestations, coexisting diseases, diagnostic methods, anti-TB medications and their side effects, and treatment outcomes. Results : The results were as follows : - 1) The ratio of male to female was 2.1:1(62:30 cases) 2) Chief complaints were a cough (47.8%), dyspnea (40.2%), sputum (38.0%), chest pain (12.0%), anorexia (10.9%), and fever (9.8%). 3) 38 (41.3%) of cases had a past history of pulmonary tuberculosis. 4) The coexisting diseases were : -COPD, 25 cases (27.2%); pneumonia, 17 cases (18.5%); DM. 13 cases (14.1%); and malignancy, 10 cases (10.9%). 5) The positivity of Mantoux test (5 TU, PPD-S) was 82.7%. 6) Pulmonary tuberculosis was diagnosed using the following methods : sputum AFB (Acid Fast Bacillus) smear 42.4%, sputum TB (M. Tuberculosis) culture 15.2%, sputum TB PCR (Polymerase Chain Reaction) 10.9%, bronchial washing AFB smear 2.1%, chest radiology only 25.0%. 7) Locations of radiologic lesions were RULF, 50 cases; RLLF, 50 cases, mostly, then LLLF ; 26 cases were leastly involved. 8) The coexisting tuberculosis were endobronchial TB(8.7%), TB pleurisy(7.6%) miliary TB(5.4%), intestinal TB(2.2%), renal TB(1.1%) 9) The proportion of treatment regimen with 1st line drug and 2nd line drug were 92.3% and 7.6%, respectively. 10) The outcome of treatment were as follows : cured 31.5%, expired 13.0%, no return 47.8%, follow-up now 7.6%. Conclusion : The pulmonary tuberculosis in the elderly has atypical patterns with chronic coexisting diseases. Therefore, the possibility of pulmonary tuberculosis should be considered in elderly patients with pulmonary symptoms.

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Yield Response to Nitrogen Topdress Rate at Panicle Initiation Stage under Different Growth and Nitrogen Nutrition Status of Rice Plant (벼 유수분화기 생장 및 질소영양상태에 따른 수량의 수비질소 반응)

  • Kim, Min-Ho;Fu, Jin-Dong;Lee, Byun-Woo
    • KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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    • v.51 no.7
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    • pp.571-583
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    • 2006
  • To secure high yield and good quality of rice, plant growth and nitrogen (N) nutrition status should be taken into account for managing panicle N topdressing (PN). This research aimed at investigating the rice yield response to PN under different plant growth and N nutrition status that was conditioned by different rates of basal and tillering N fertilizer (BTN). Stepwise multiple regression (SMR) was used for the analysis of yield response to (i) BTN and PN, and (ii) shoot N content at PIS (BTNup) and shoot N uptake from PIS to harvest (PNup). Rice yield increased significantly as BTN and PN Increased, but there was no significant interaction between BTN and PN. Yield increased almost linearly with the increasing BTN and PN up to $10{\sim}12$ and $6{\sim}7\;kgN/10a$, and with the increasing BTNup and PNup up to $6{\sim}7$ and $5{\sim}6\;kgN/10a$, respectively. But yield increment tended to decrease above those levels. These declines resulted from the decreased ripened grain ratio and 1000 grain weight even though spikelet number per unit area increased more at above those N levels. Spikelet number per unit area had the linear relationships with the shoot N uptake until heading, and with yield. Like most yield response curves, yield response in this experiment followed the diminishing return function with BTNup, PNup, and plant N uptake from seeding to harvest. Regardless of the degree of BTNup and PNup, yield had a quadratic relationship ($R^{2}$>0.88) with whole shoot N accumulation until harvest, suggesting that the yield determination was closely related with the whole shoot N uptake until harvest regardless of the differences in seasonal shoot N uptake.

Reliability Analysis on Stability of Armor Units for Foundation Mound of Composite Breakwaters (혼성제 기초 마운드의 피복재 안정성에 대한 신뢰성 해석)

  • Cheol-Eung Lee
    • Journal of Korean Society of Coastal and Ocean Engineers
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    • v.35 no.2
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    • pp.23-32
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    • 2023
  • Probabilistic and deterministic analyses are implemented for the armor units of rubble foundation mound of composite breakwaters which is needed to protect the upright section against the scour of foundation mounds. By a little modification and incorporation of the previous empirical formulas that has commonly been applied to design the armor units of foundation mound, a new type formula of stability number has been suggested which is capable of taking into account slopes of foundation mounds, damage ratios of armor units, and incident wave numbers. The new proposed formula becomes mathematically identical with the previous empirical formula under the same conditions used in the developing process. Deterministic design have first been carried out to evaluate the minimum weights of armor units for several conditions associated with a typical section of composite breakwater. When the slopes of foundation mound become steepening and the incident wave numbers are increasing, the bigger armor units more than those from the previous empirical formula should be required. The opposite trends however are shown if the damage ratios is much more allowed. Meanwhile, the reliability analysis, which is one of probabilistic models, has been performed in order to quantitatively verify how the armor unit resulted from the deterministic design is stable. It has been confirmed that 1.2% of annual encounter probability of failure has been evaluated under the condition of 1% damage ratio of armor units for the design wave of 50 years return period. By additionally calculating the influence factors of the related random variables on the failure probability due to those uncertainties, it has been found that Hudson's stability coefficient, significant wave height, and water depth above foundation mound have sequentially been given the impacts on failure regardless of the incident wave angles. Finally, sensitivity analysis has been interpreted with respect to the variations of random variables which are implicitly involved in the formula of stability number for armor units of foundation mound. Then, the probability of failure have been rapidly decreased as the water depth above foundation mound are deepening. However, it has been shown that the probability of failure have been increased according as the berm width of foundation mound are widening and wave periods become shortening.

Analysis of Management Status and Optimum Production Scale of Quarrying Firms in Korea -Comparative Analysis of Aggregate and Building-Stone Quarrying Firms- (산지채석업체(山地採石業體)의 경영실태(經營實態) 및 적정규모설정(適正規模設定) -골재용(骨材用) 채석업체(採石業體)와 건축용(建築用) 채석업체(採石業體)의 비교(比較) 분석(分析)-)

  • Joung, Ha Hyeon;Cho, Eung Hyouk
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.80 no.1
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    • pp.72-81
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    • 1991
  • This study was carried out to provide necessary information for improving quarrying industry management in Korea. The results of the study are summarized as follows : 1. In aggregate and building-stone quarrying firms the managers over 40 years of age are 97% and 89.1%, the ones above education level of high school are 90% and 85% and the ones not more than 10 years of quarrying experience are 70% and 52%, respectively. Accordingly it can be pointed out that most of the managers of two types of firms are relatively old, have high educational background, while quarrying experiences of building-stone firm managers are longer than that of aggregate firm managers. 2. Most of the management forms are social corporation(60%) for aggregate quarry firms and private management(76%) for building-stone firms. Average areas of permitted stone-pits of aggregate and building-stone quarries are about 2.86ha and 1.66ha respectively. That is, aggregate quarrying firms are carried on a larger scale than building-stone quarrying firms. 3. The yearly average product of aggregate quarrying firms has increased steadily from $88.961m^3$ in 1985 to $144.028m^3$ in 1988, while, in case of building-stone quarry firms, it has significantly increased from $4.155m^3$ to $19.462m^3$ from 1985 to 1987, but reduced to $13.400m^3$ in 1988. Unstable production activities of building-stone quarrying firms may require continuous government support. 4. Major cost items are equipment rental, depreciation, salaries, repair, maintenance for aggregate quarrying firms, and salaries, depreciation, fuel, tax for building-stone quarrying firms. The yearly average rate of return is about 9.7% for aggregate quarry firms and 2.6% for building-stone quarry firms. It can be pointed out that aggregate quarrying firms is better managed than building-stone quarrying firms. 5. The production elasticity of salary for aggregate quarrying firms is 0.495, that of employees is 0.559, and that of capital service is 0.513. The sum of the elasticities is 1.257>1. Fur building-stone quarrying firms, that of employees is 0.492, that of variable costs is 0.192, and that of capital service is 0.498. The sum of elasticities is 1.172>1, thus denotes the increasing returns to scale for both types quarrying firms. 6. The ratio of marginal value product to opportunity cost of empolyees is 2.54, that of variable costs is 3.62, and that of capital service is 1.45, in aggregate quarrying firms. That of employees is 2.47, that is variable costs was 2.34, and that of capital service is 19.67 in building-stone quarrying firms. Therefore the critical factors for more expansion of management scale in aggregate quarrying firms are variable cost and employees, and are capital service in building-stone quarry ing firms. 7. The break-even points of stone sales are about 0.587 billion won and 0.22 billion won in aggregate and building-stone quarrying firms respectively. The optimum sales Level for profit maximization are about 2.0 billion and 0.5 billion in aggregate and building-stone quarry firms respectively.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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