• The Korean Journal of Mycology
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• v.36 no.2
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• pp.153-162
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• 2008

Pinewood nematode (PWN) trapping by nematophagous fungi, Arthrobotrys conoides, A. dactyloides and A. oligospora and the fungal growth were characterized. The three Arthrobotrys species each was inoculated into the PWN cultured on Botrytis cinera fungal colony on potato dextrose agar (PDA). The effects of temperature, pH, PWN inoculation density and nutrients on the growth of the three Arthrobotrys spp were measured. A. conoides grew fast, 13.9 mm/day while A. dactyloides grew slow, 3 mm/day. PDA medium was the best for the fungal growth at $25^{\circ}C$ and pH 4.5. The Arthrobotrys spp growth was stimulated by 500 nematodes inoculation but not by 1000 inoculation. A. dactyloides did not grow below pH 4.5 and at high PWN density. A. conoides and A oligospora formed trapping organs with thick constricting hyphal network only when PWN present, while A. dactyloides formed the organ with circular hyphae constitutively. A. conoides formed trapping organs faster than A. oligospora did. The nematode trapping hyphae of the fungi penetrated into PNW inside to form many tiny infection bulbs and to digest the nematode. However, A. dactyloides formed a few trapping organs but no trapping was observed. Infection rate of PWN was 95% by A. conoides, 80% by A. oligospora and 92% by the combination inoculation of A. conoides and A. oligospora. In contrast A. dactyloides increased PWN density without infecton. There was no interaction effect in any combination inoculation of the three Arthrobotrys spp. A. conoides enhanced PWN infection rate by rapid hyphal growth and early trapping, while A. oligospora did it by increasing hyphal density. In conclusion A. conoides is the most effective in both hyphal growth and infection, and thus these characteristics can be utilized as a biological control of PWN.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.24-33
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• 2020

In excavated bronze artifacts, corrosion products of various shapes and colors are observed due to multiple corrosion factors coexisting in the burial environment, and these corrosion products can constitute important data not only in terms of long-term corrosion-related information, but also in connection with preservation of artifacts. As such, scientific analysis is being carried out on the corrosion layer and corrosion products of bronze artifacts, and the corrosion mechanism and the characteristics of corrosion products elucidated, which is essential for interpreting the exposed burial environment and its association with corrosion factors inside the burial environment. In this study, after classifying excavated bronze artifacts according to alloy ratio and fabrication technique, comprehensive analysis of the surface of corrosion artifacts, corrosion layer, and corrosion products was carried out to investigate the corrosion mechanism, formation process of the corrosion layer, and characteristics of corrosion products. The study designated two groups according to alloy ratio and fabrication technique. In Group 1, which involved a Cu-Sn-Pb alloy and had no heat treatment, the surface was rough and external corrosion layers were formed on a part, or both sides, of the inside and the outside, and the surface was observed as being green or blue. α+δ phase selection corrosion was found in the metal and some were found to be concentrated in an empty space with a purity of 95 percent or more after α+δ phase corrosion. The Cu-Sn alloy and heat-treated Group 2 formed a smooth surface with no external corrosion layer, and a dark yellow surface was observed. In addition, no external corrosion layer was observed, unlike Group 1, and α corrosion was found inside the metal. In conclusion, it can be seen that the bronze artifacts excavated from the same site differ in various aspects, including the formation of the corrosion layer, the shape and color of the corrosion products, and the metal ion migration path, depending on the alloy ratio and fabrication technique. They also exhibited different corrosion characteristics in the same material, which means that different forms of corrosion can occur depending on the exposure environment in the burial setting. Therefore, even bronze artifacts excavated from the same site will have different corrosion characteristics depending on alloy ratio, fabrication technique, and exposure environment. The study shows one aspect of corrosion characteristics in specific areas and objects; further study of corrosion mechanisms in accordance with burial conditions will be required through analysis of the corrosive layer and corrosive product characteristics of bronze artifacts from various regions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.4-23
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• 2020

This study examines the universal meaning of the roof-end tile, our cultural property, and especially focuses on an ontological interpretation of the "Smile of Silla" roof-end tile. In addition, the problem of good and evil read here is considered in connection with the universal problem of philosophy. The issue of good and evil is a theme in philosophy, theology, religion, and culture that will endure throughout human history in both the East and the West. Augustine and Schelling inquired deeply into the source of evil and obtained an answer to this question based on their methods, but their answer is not universal or absolute, or an answer that applies to everyone. This is because the issue of good and evil possesses both a direct relationship with every human being and a characteristic that will remain unresolved. That is to say, the metaphysical question regarding the source of evil will always be one that is open. Nietzsche, however, repudiated the morals handed down through Socrates and Christianity, and urged that we reside "beyond good and evil." This brief review argues that good and evil exists in the form of a being in itself, whether it is within our grasp or not, and reveals that good and evil is more "this-worldly" than it is "other-worldly". The roof-end tiles with facial markings passed on to us also presuppose that evil is in full force in this world and exerts its influence. This review taps into several folk methods for coping with the existence of an invincible evil that surpasses human capability and contemplates the extraordinary and creative ideas of the Silla people through their "Smile of Silla" roof-end tiles with facial markings that were used to counter evil.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.258-277
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to examine the paintings and symbols of the Jeju Guandeokjeong murals, Treasure No. 322. Gwandeokjeong Pavilion in Jeju is one of the oldest buildings in Jeju and was built in 1448 during the reign of King Sejong (世宗) of the Joseon Dynasty to serve as a training ground for soldiers. Unlike Gwandeokjeong Pavilions in other regions, Jeju's Gwandeokjeong Pavilion has a long history and is of cultural value due to its beautiful architecture. In addition, it contains various murals which are a further source of attention. There are four murals on the front and back of the two Lintels on the left and right sides of the building. Their contents include of 『The Three Kingdoms (三國志)』 and and on the back. Towards the right, is depicted, with on the back. Based on a replica of the murals from 1976, the plan, style, and age of the Gwandeokjeong Pavilion murals have been studied, together with their meanings. The contents of the mural are broadly divided into five parts, which are identified by the tacit signatures atop the screen, which provide such details as the painting titles. The paintings on the left and right sides of the center appear to inspire the spirit of the military's commerce in order to boost soldiers' morale, protect the country, and protect the people in line with the purpose of Gwandeokjeong Pavilion. The following and figuratively depict guidelines for the behavior and mindset of officials. In particular, is a painting concerned with concepts of longevity and an auspicious (吉祥), which shows how court paintings became popular as folk paintings at that time. The paintings of tangerines and other specialties of Jeju Island, the ritual paintings of Jeokbyeokdaejeon, and the expressions of Mt. Halla (漢拏山) and Oreum (오름) indicate the existence of Jeju artists that belonged to the Jeju government office at that time. The five themes and styles of the murals also show that the murals of Gwandeokjeong Pavilion were produced in the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.224-243
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• 2020

The rock-cut relief of two Buddhas seated side-by-side in Wonpungri is a large Buddha sculpture in relief on the side of a cliff in Wonpung-ri, Goesan. This Buddha sculpture is from the Buddhist scripture Sutra of the Lotus. <法華經> Two seated Buddhas statues were prevalent in the Balhae Kingdom, but this was not popular in Silla and Goryeo. In the main text, the time that the two seated Buddhas in Wonpung-ri was created is identified as being during the 10th century. King Gwangjong created a Buddha statue for political purposes. The relief of two seated Buddha image carved on a cliff is located on an important traffic route over the Sobaek Mountain Range. After King Gwangjong took the throne, he paid close attention to the reigning powers of Jincheon and Cheongju because the people of Jincheon and Cheongju were engaged in a power struggle against Gwangjong. The huge relief of two seated Buddhas statue shows the authority of King Gwangjong. In particular, the people of Jincheon and Cheongju had to see this Buddha statue when crossing the Sobaek Mountain Range. The image contained in the relief of the two seated Buddhas features many characteristics of the sculpture style of the Balhae Kingdom. After the fall of Balhae, many of the Balhae people settled in Mungyeong. Balhae people from Mungyeong participated in the production of the relief of the two seated Buddhas. Through the relief of the two seated Buddhas, King Gwangjong wanted to show the people of Jincheon and Cheongju that the Balhae people were supporting him. The relief of two seated Buddhas reflects the historical situation of the King Gwangjong era in the late 10^th century and the style of sculpture.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-83
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• 1996

Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) is our own, medical work written about the middle of the time of Korea Dynasty. I restored and researched this book because it needed to be illuminated about its medico-historic value and then I came to some conclusions as follows. 1. Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang was published in Dae-jang-do-kam(大藏都監) of Kanghaw island(江華島) about the middle of Korea Dynasty. Choi Ja-ha(崔自河) republished it on original publication ground in Euiheung(義興) of Kyungsang-Province(慶尙道) in July, Taejong's(太宗) 17th year of Chosen Dynasty (A.D.1417) and this book was published again in Chungcheng Province(忠淸道) in Sejong's(世宗) 9th year(A.D.1427). The book published in Taejong's days was in the possession of books department of Kung-nae-cheng(宮內廳) in Japan and was the oldest medical book of existing ones. 2. Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu(方中鄕藥目草部) of this book was originally intended to be adjusted in each division with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock(方中鄕藥目). But Herb part(草部) only followed editing progress of Jeung-Lew-Bon-Cho(證類本草), the rest is not divided into each part and is together arranged at the below of Herb part with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. The Korean inscriptions on some drugstuffs in this book are different between Native Name(鄕名) of three volumes of provisions and general-spoken(俗云) of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. In this, it is estimated that the publishing time and editor of tile volume of provisions and Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu are different. I think Choi Ja-ha compiled this behind three volumes of provisions when he published. 3. This book picked some prescriptions which consisted of obtainable drugs with ease in Korea in the books of Chell-Keum-Yo-Bang(千金要方), Oi-Dae-Bi-Yo(外臺秘要), Tae-Peong-Sung-Hye-Bang(太平聖惠方), Ju-Hu-Bang(?後方), Kyung-Hum-Yang- Bang(經驗良方) Bo-Je-Bon-Sa-Bang(普濟本事方) Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang(備預百要方) and so on and got together our own prescriptions. On the whole Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang was a chief referrence book, On this, other books referred to and corrected. 4. In provisions quoted from Hyang-Yack-Jip-Sung-Bang(鄕藥集成方), there are seven provisions; leg-paralysis part, coughing part, headache part, obstetrics part, etc. don't show in this book. This is why Choi Ja-ha published only certain texts on Dae-jang-do-kam edition his own posession. So we can think the existing edition has a little misses compared with original edition. 5. This book recorded only names of drugstuffs in animal drug department like fowls, crab, goldbug, earthworm, etc. and didn't tell us ways of taking those. This is effect of Buddhist culture on medicine. This is efforts to practice 'Don't murder';one of Five Prohibition of Buddhism. 6. Beacause this book was published at the time, when our originative medicine would be set forth. This followed the Chinese ways in Theory, Treatment, Prescription and used 'Hyang Yack' in Medication out of theory of Korean medicine, which was a transitional form. So this is all important material which tell us aspects of development of 'Hyang Yack' the middle of Korea Dynasty.and this is also the beginning of originative, medical works like Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑), Dong-Eui-Su-Bo-Won(東醫壽世保元). 7. There are few contents based on 'Byen-Jeung-Lon-Chi(辨證論治)'in this book. So we can see this book is not for doctors who study medical thoughts but for general public who suffer from diseases resulted from war. Because this book was written for a first-aid treatmeant, this is an index of medical service for the people those days. And this is also an useful datum for first-aid medicine or military medicine in these modern days. 8. Nowadays, parts of learned world of Korean medicine disregard essential theories and want to explain Korean medicine only by the theories or the methods of Western medicine. Moreover they don't adopt Chinese and Japanese theorys & thoughts about Oriental medicine in our own style and just view in there level. What was worse, there is a growing tendency for them to indulge in a trimming policy of scholarship and to take others' ideas. I think these trends to ignore our own medical thoughts involving growth of 'Hyang Yack' in the middle of Korea Dynasty, Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam and Dong-Eui-Su-Se-Bo-Won. So we, as researchers of Korean medicine, must get out of this tendency, and take over brilliant tradition and try to develop originative Korean medicine.

• KSBB Journal
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.177-182
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• 2008

In this study, crude extracts of the halophyte Limonium tetragonum and their solvent fractions were evaluated on anticancer activity in AGS and HT-29 human cancer cells using MTT assay. Each of the crude extracts (MeOH and $CH_2Cl_2$) of Limonium tetragonum showed a significant inhibitory effect on the growth of human cancer cells. The combined crude extracts of MeOH and $CH_2Cl_2$ were partitioned between $CH_2Cl_2$ and water. The organic layer was further partitioned between 85% aq. MeOH and n-hexane, and then the aqueous layer was fractionated with n-BuOH and $H_2O$, successively. Growth inhibition effects of crude extracts and their solvent fractions from Limonium tetragonum increased in a dose-dependent manner. Among them, 85% aq. MeOH, n-hexane and n-BuOH fractions revealed very good inhibition effects on the growth of human cancer cells. These results suggest that we can isolate active compounds from Limonium tetragonum to show much more strong anticancer activity.

• Korean Journal of Construction Engineering and Management
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.36-48
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• 2015

To complete various types of finish works with higher quality in much less time, TACT, which was mostly used for high-rise buildings, has been adapted to meet the needs for systematic schedule management in construction sites. However, the effectiveness of adapting TACT has not been shown as expected due to the different perspectives on productivity from both general contractor and subcontractors based on unforeseen conditions according to the types of site. Furthermore, not enough theoretical backgrounds, empirical data, and systematic approaches to solve the fundamental problems caused by each participants' different views on productivity has produced obstacles for establishing effective solutions. Therefore, this research aims to analyze the possible main reasons for having different point of views regarding productivity among various participants of residential building sites using TACT based on literature review, site survey, and interviews. Also, case study was conducted to propose obtainable productivity (OP) regression equation and productivity achievement ratio (PAR) with reduction factors (RFs) and actual productivity (AP) data from an actual construction site. The proposed outcome may assist general contractors converting output management with PPC to productivity management with actual data using PAR. On the other hand, subcontractors would be able to estimate theory-based maximum productivity of construction sites with TACT by using OP. The PAR will enhance the communication between general and sub-contractors for their decision making process. Finally, the main RFs derived from PAR could be used as essential keys for productivity management to increase the economical and operational effectiveness of the construction project.

• Korean Chemical Engineering Research
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.75-82
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• 2011

Five different composition UV-cured poly(urethane acrylate-co-acrylic acid) (PU-co-AA) films have been prepared by reacting isophorone diisocyanate(IPDI), polycaprolactone triol(PCLT), 2-hydroxyethyl acrylate(HEA), and different weight ratio trimethylolpropane triacrylate(TMPTA) and acrylic acid(AA) as diluents, and characterized using a Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy(FT-IR). The adhesion properties onto the stainless steel, morphology, mechanical hardness, and electrical property of UV-cured PU-co-AA films were investigated as a function of acrylic acid(AA) content. All the PU-co-AA films are structure-less and the molecular ordering and packing density decreased with increasing content of AA due to the flexible structure and -COOH side chains in AA. The crosscut test showed that PU-co-AA films without AA and with low content of AA showed 0% adhesion(0B) and the adhesion of PU-co-AA films in the range of 40-50% AA increased dramatically as the content of AA increases. The pull-off measurements showed that the adhesion force of PU-co-AA films to stainless steel substrate varied from 6 to 31 kgf /$cm^2$ and increased linearly with increasing AA content. The mechanical hardness also decreased as the content of AA increases. This may come from relatively linear and flexible structure in AA and low crystallinity in PU-co-AA films with higher content of AA. The higher AA-containing PU-co-AA films showed higher dielectric constant due to the increase of polarization by introducing AA monomer. In conclusion, the physical properties of UV-cured PU-co-AA films are strongly dependent upon the content of AA and the incorporation of AA in polyurethane acrylate is very useful way to increase the adhesion strength of UV-curable polymers on the stainless steel substrate.