• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.88-103
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to excavate the items of the comprehensive maintenance plan for scenic sites considering sustainability and analyze the needs of them. In this sense, based on 35 reports of the comprehensive maintenance plan established between 2006, when scenic sites started to be designated, and 2017, the items used in 'investigation field' and 'planning field' were examined, and then a survey regarding the needs of the items was conducted using a "5-point Likert Scale", targeting officials at 60 local governments in the whole country. Of 60 local governments, opinions from 48 officials at 45 local governments were analyzed. In order to verify the consistency of their opinions, "Reliability Analysis" was conducted, and Cronbach's alpha coefficient was 0.968 and 0.970 for 'investigation field' and 'planning field', respectively, showing high reliability. As a result of the survey, most opinions generally expressed the needs of 6 items of 'investigation field' of the comprehensive maintenance plan. Especially, the needs to investigate 'historical environment', 'natural environment', 'humanistic environment', and 'landscape' turned out to be high. In addition, as for 'general environment' and 'users', the needs of specific items such as 'distribution of main cultural properties and historic sites' (4.04) and 'acceptance of opinions from local residents and interested parties' (4.15) were found to be high. Besides, the items of 'planning field' also turned out to be needed in general (4.0). Particularly, the needs of 'enhancement of designated value and status' (4.26) and 'the comprehensive maintenance plan for designated areas of cultural properties and historic and cultural environment preservation areas' (4.25) in 'historical environment', 'maintenance of historic buildings at scenic sites' (4.28) in 'humanistic environment', and 'landscape trail planning' (4.28) in 'landscape' were found to be high. In conclusion, the practical items related to investigation and planning of the comprehensive maintenance plan for scenic sites are expected to contribute to effective conservation and management of scenic sites in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.136-161
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• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.1
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• pp.62-79
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• 2015

The Stele for State Preceptor Doseon and Seon Master Sumi of Dogapsa Temple in Yeongam was erected in the fourth month of 1653. It was made with stone obtained from Yeosan(present-day Yeosan-myeon, Iksansi), and contains an inscription - engraved in the spring of 1651 - commemorating the two priests. The project to erect the monument was led by eminent monks, including Gakseong and Sucho, with the support of royal patrons and powerful statesmen including Prince Inpyeong(1622~1658). This monument is thought to be the first of its kind to have a capstone in the shape of a 'dragon loop' handle of the kind traditionally attached to the top of a temple bell. Stone stelae with a dragon-loop-shaped capstone continued to be used by the royalty and nobility of Joseon until the 18th century. The inscription engraved on the rear face of the monument reveals that it was made by Jo Mal-ryong, a renowned stonemason who worked on stone monuments and figures for royal tombs in the mid-Joseon period. He is known as the only stonemason to have been awarded the third highest rank(Jeong-sampum) of government, including the posts of Grand Master(Tongjeong Daebu) and General(Jeolchung Janggun), as recorded in the inscription. The monument corroborates the prevalent view that he was the creator of monumental capstones of the highest aesthetic merit in Joseon, and provides valuable insights about the leading artisans who produced monumental stones for royal tombs in the 17th century. This particular monument is highly regarded as a valuable historical relic because of the detailed information contained in the inscription, including the dates, work processes, patrons and artisans related with its creation, and because it features outstanding workmanship by some of the greatest artisans of the period. The monument also provides important clues about the transition from the Buddhist monuments created under the auspices of the royalty and nobility of mid-period Joseon to the symbolic stone structures and figures made for the tombs of royalty and nobility.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.114-131
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• 2014

The Portrait of Yang Zhuxi(楊竹西小像) at the Palace Museum in Beijing holds important significance as one of the rare portraits from Yuan Period and as a painting with a definite year of creation in 1363. It is also noteworthy in that it is the only remaining work of Wang Yi(王繹), who was one of the critical portrait painters during the second half of Yuan Period and the author of Xiexiang Mijue(寫像秘訣), the first book on the portrait theories, that it was created in conjunction with Ni Zan(倪瓚), one of the utmost landscape painters of the times, and that it was an early case of landscape and figure painting-format portraits. The figure in Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was originally known as Yang Wu(楊瑀), a high official during Yuan Period, but it was a misunderstanding on the part of Li Rihua(李日華), a literary figure from Ming Dynasty. The actual model was Yang Qian(楊謙), a reclusive literary figure in the Songjiang(松江) region. Yang Qian is estimated as one of the central figures with a high reputation in the literary community of Jiangnan those days. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was depicted by borrowing the icon of such hermits as Su Shih(蘇軾), which seems like a proper choice to express Yang Zhuxi, a reclusive literary figure. Furthermore, the rocks and pine trees described by Ni Zan reinforced the significance of the portrait through their traditional symbolism of man of virtue and man of letters, respectively. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi used the Baimiao Manner(白描法), thus being differentiated from other portraits from the same period. Even though there is no coloring in the painting, it boasts more excellent realism than colored portraits. It expressed the body with the graceful and controlled Li Gonglin(李公麟) and Zhao Mengfu(趙孟?) style Baimiao Manner, raising its dignity further. In terms of functions, Portrait of Yang Zhuxi is strongly characterized by the appreciative function unlike other portraits focused on the ceremonial function. Being created to be viewed and appreciated by the model himself and his friends, the portrait was very significant to promote their friendship. However, there was a great intention to reflect the emotions of the model himself and his friends in the painting beyond the simple appreciation level.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.32-45
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• 2014

In this study, the characteristics of Mongsimjae in Namwon-si, Jeollabuk-do have been researched focusing on the writings engraved in huge stones and rocks of pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and its formative languages in the garden has been interpreted as follows. Name of pavilion(堂號) Mongsimjae(夢心齋) includes a classical scholar's spirit, refusing to serve two kings and homecoming after resignation from a government office(歸去來) of Songam(松菴) Park Moonsu(朴門壽), an ancestor who has brought to the Juksan(竹山) Park's family again. A pavilion standing beside a lotus pond(蓮塘) built in the reception garden is a gardening facility symbolizing 'Yeondang(蓮堂)' Park Dongsik(朴東式) who built Mongsimjae. The bamboo hill connected to the backyard seems to be relevant to 'Juksan', the family clan of Mongsimjae's owner and this kinds of intention can be found in the bamboos in the outer garden naturally led to inside the garden through the flower beds. The purpose for the western arrangement of the main building and gate contrary to the 'chukjwamihyaug'(丑坐未向; a direction toward to the south-southwest) of the prospect of Sarangchae(guesthouse) is interpreted to naturally attract people's eyes to the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and to mitigate the sense of closure resulting from the huge stones located in the reception garden. Also the writing engraved in the three huge stones, 'Jonsimdae(存心臺)', implies that it is a place where was selected with heart by Juksan Park family who settled down in Homsil, Namwon after 'Haengchon(杏村) Park Jaryang(朴子良)' in Yiphyangjo(入鄕祖), Namwon and 'Jeongwa(靖窩)' is interpreted as a signature representing that it is the most comfortable house where Jeongwa Park Haechang(朴海昌: 1876~1933), the third owner of Mongsimjae, has lived. The pavilion standing beside a lotus pond of the 'Bangjibangdo(方池方島; square pond and square island)' type has no lotus for now and waterside cornerstones roughly piled with broken stones naturally mitigate the slope. There are two water inflows gathering rainwater in the reception garden other than the water inflow of valley and the upper-side water inflow was built using a high waterfall method. The middle island cut into a square was designed to use in two ways, as 'island' or 'steppingstone', according to the water level and the old name of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond was revealed as 'Cheonundam(天雲潭)' from the engraved writing located in the side of the middle island. In addition, 'Imni(臨履)', engraved writing in the finishing stone of waterside by citing a line of 'Sigyeong(詩經)', implies 'Be a upright classical scholar who pays close attention to one's own behaviors' and 'Jeongchuk(渟?)' is interpreted as a message that desires the eternal staying of the Juksan Park family's wealth. Ultimately, the writings engraved in the huge stones and rocks of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond are interpreted as a symbol language that wishes the heaven protects and maintains the wealth of the Juksan Park family who is the owner of Mongsimjae.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.104-121
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist art in Jeju which has rarely been in the mainstream discussions about the Korean art by focusing on the statues of Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune. The Buddhist art in Jeju reached its heyday during the late phase of the Goryeo period (918-1392). The imperial court of Yuan (1271-1368) established Beophwasa, one of its guardian temples which was also a "complementary temple" of Goryeo (918-1392). In 1296, the community of monks based in Myoryeonsa Temple published the Jeju edition of the Buddhist canon granted by the royal court of Goryeo, contributing to the foundation of the island's academic culture. Other items representing the heyday of the Buddhist art of Jeju include the Vajra Guardian carved on the greenschist pagoda of Sujeongsa Temple built during the late Goryeo period and the Five-story Stone Pagoda of Bultapsa Temple made from the locally obtained basalt rock during the early $14^{th}$ century. The Buddhist art of Jeju during the Joseon period (1392-1910) is represented by Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune, a pair of stone statues of Maitreya Buddha carved to feature three aspects of the Maitreya worship spread among the local folks in the period. Each of the statues is in a peaked cap and official's robe and characterized by bulging eyes comparable to those of the Buddhist guardian deities such as the Vajra guardian who were designed to protect a sacred area against evil forces. The Maitreya statues provide valuable sources of knowledge about the types of Maitreya adopted by the worshippers of local folk religion in the Joseon period. The Jabok Mireuk statues in Jeju can be easily compared with the Two Rock-carved Standing Buddhas in Yongmi-ri, Paju (1471), and the two standing stone Buddhas in Daeseongsa Temple in Okcheon (ca 1491) and on the Sipsinsa Temple site in Gwangju in that they all wear peaked caps in the "treasure canopy" style which gained popularity during the early Joseon period. One may conclude then that these statues are related with the Neo-Confucian elites who wanted the Joseon dynasty they established to prosper under the auspices of the Buddha of the Future. Interestingly, the enshrinement of the stone Buddha of Daeseongsa Temple is presumed to have been participated by Yuk Han who had served as the Governor (Moksa) of Jeju, suggesting its connection with the Jabok Mireuk despite the regional difference in their style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.172-195
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• 2019

Among the paintings of Goam Lee Ungno (1904-1989), his works of the 1960s in Paris have been evaluated as his most avant-garde works of experimenting with and innovating objects as an artist. At that time, his works, such as Papier Colle and Abstract Letter, were influenced by abstract expressionism and Western Art Informel, illustrating his transformation from a traditional artist into a contemporary artist. An exhibition, which was held prior to his going to Paris in March 1958, has received attention because it exhibited the painting style of his early Informel art. Taking this into consideration, this study was conducted by interpreting his work from two perspectives; first, that his works of 1958 were influenced by abstract expressionism and Art Informel, and, second, that he expressed Xieyi (寫意) as literati painting, focusing on the fact that Lee Ungno first started his career adopting this style. In this paper, I aimed to confirm Lee Ungno's recognition of Art Informel and abstract painting, which can be called abstract expressionism. To achieve this, it was necessary to study Lee's painting theory at that time, so I first considered Hae-gang Kim Gyu-jin whom Lee Ungno began studying painting under, and his paintings during his time in Japan. It was confirmed that in order to escape from stereotypical paintings, deep contemplation of nature while painting was his first important principle. This principle, also known as Xieyi (寫意), lasted until the 1950s. In addition, it is highly probable that he understood the dictionary definition of abstract painting, i.e., the meaning of extracting shapes from nature according to the ideas which became important to him after studying in Japan, rather than the theory of abstract painting realized in Western paintings. Lee Ungno himself also stated that the shape of nature was the basis of abstract painting. In other words, abstractive painting and abstract painting are different concepts and based on this, it is necessary to analyze the paintings of Lee Ungno. Finally, I questioned the view that Lee Ungno's abstract paintings of the 1950s were painted as representative of the Xieyi (寫意) mind of literary art painting. Linking traditional literary art painting theory directly to Lee Ungno, who had been active in other worlds in space and time, may minimize Lee Ungno's individuality and make the distinction between traditional paintings and contemporary paintings obscure. Lee Ungno emphasized Xieyi (寫意) in his paintings; however, this might have been an emphasis signifying a great proposition. This is actually because his works produced in the 1950s, such as Self-Portrait (1956), featured painting styles with boldly distorted forms achieved by strong ink brushwork, a style which Lee Ungno defined as 'North Painting.' This is based on the view that it is necessary to distinguish between Xieyi (寫意) and 'the way of Xieyi (寫意) painting' as an important aspect of literary art painting. Therefore, his paintings need a new interpretation in consideration of the viewpoint that he represented abstract paintings according to his own Xieyi (寫意) way, rather than the view that his paintings were representations of Xieyi (寫意), or rather a succession of traditional paintings in the literary artist's style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.82-103
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• 2017

Systems operating construction expenses for preservation and repair of the architectural heritage may be divided into two in the Japanese colonial era. They are preservation cost nd preservation cost-aided constructions, according to the ownership of a building. Preservation cost construction refers to preservation and repair of government-owned buildings that Japanese Government General of Korea had the ownership and the right of management, and preservation cost-aided construction means preservation and repair of private buildings such as Buddhist temples. In the case of preservation and repair of buildings owned by the government, it was done by the Japanese Government General of Korea, so the same agent executed the budget and managed the properties. They included royal tombs and relics, old government offices, Hyanggyo and some Seowon. On the other hand, in the case of preservation and repair of private buildings, they were private properties, so Japanese Government General of Korea had rights only for permission of preservation and repair. If there was a request for .preservation and repair by an owner, the Japanese Government General of Korea decided on whether it would support its expenses or not and played a role of management and supervision. It applied to Buddhist shrines and pagodas owned by Buddhist temples and shrines and temples owned by individuals and families. Hence, in the case of government-owned buildings, because the preservation cost was spent from the Japanese Government General of Korea's budget for investigation expenses of historical remains or repair expenses of Jeolleung and ruins, they were classified into preservation cost constructions. As for private buildings, the cost was spent from their budget for aiding preservation expenses, so they were classified into preservation cost-aided constructions. Because preservation cost construction and preservation cost-aided construction were conducted by two different agents, there were a little difference in procedures for executing a construction. There was no big difference in the general progress of constructions but was an administrative difference in the kinds of documents submitted and the roles of field supervisors. Such dual systems remained unimproved throughout the Japanese colonial era. The Japanese Government General of Korea was the colonial government so much influenced by the Japanese Government. Most Japanese architectural heritage was owned by Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines and there was almost no building owned by the government, resulting in a unitary system unlike Korea. Heritage system by the Japanese Government General of Korea was established under the influence of Japan regardless of the situation in Korea. Accordingly, Japanese Government General of Korea could not present a definite solution in the bisected system of preservation and repair expenses for the heritage. It shows the limits of the Japanese Government General of Korea in the colonial era.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.44-65
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• 2018

This study examined the costumes of the characters in the painting titled Hig yongru Banghwoedo, which was designated as National Treasure No. 1879 in September 2015, and is currently kept in the Dongguk University Museum. The painting depicts a social gathering of Joseon aristocrats held at the higyongru, or watch tower, of the Gwangjumok, a government office, in 1567. It is characterized by the delicate illustration of the government officials, the main characters of the gathering, and the hyangri, ajeon, najang, chorye, akgong, and yeogi, the lower-class employees of the office. In order to investigate the costumes they wore, diverse materials including literature, costume artifacts, and paintings were used as reference sources. The scope of the study was limited to the characters' headdress and gown, and the accessories attached to the former. The study of men's clothing revealed that officials wore a samo and a red dalryeong as basic attire. In addition, it is presumed that they wore a belt indicating their official rank in the hierarchy, and a pair of black shoes. Retired officials wore a heuklip wrapped in horsehair or silk fabric with a red jing-nyeong and a doah. The hyangri wore a heukjukbanglip on their head, as well as a white jing-nyeong and a belted doah. In the Goryeo period, the banglip was a type of official headdress worn by members of the aristocratic elite ranked immediately below the king, but in Joseon it was demoted as the official headgear of the hyangri class, which was confirmed through Higyongru Banghwoedo. The ajeon wore a heuklip on their head, and a white jing-nyeong and a doah at the waist. As a rule, the najang wore a chogun on the head, and a banbieui on cheolrik and chungmokdai, but the najang in Higyongru Banghwoedo are depicted wearing a chogun and a cheolrik without a banbieui. Also, the chorye wore a heuklip wrapped in hemp cloth with a red cheolrik, whereas the akgong wore a somoja and a red cheolrik. Female entertainers, both adults and children, are depicted in the painting as either serving the aristocrats, dancing, or playing a musical instrument, wearing their hair in a voluminous, round, high bun, and dressed in a red daiyo, a hwangjangsam with a straight or reclined collar, and a belt. Notably, the donggi, i.e. young gisaeng, are shown wearing their hair in two short braids, and ddressed in a red gown with a y-shaped collar, or po.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.4
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• pp.104-121
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• 2017

The present study attempted to produce the floor plan of the surroundings near Geumcheongyo Bridge in Changdeokgung Palace of the Late Joseon Period through the use of rubber sheeting transformation based on the drawing principles of "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)". First, the study compared the actual sizes of the major buildings that have existed since the production of "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)" with the sizes depicted in the picture to reveal that the front elevation of the buildings was produced by reducing it by approximately 1/200. However, the study could not confirm the same production proportions for the side elevation. Only the lengths of the side elevation were depicted at around half of the actual proportions, and as the diagonal line angles were found to be at an average of $39^{\circ}$, the study confirmed they were drawn in a manner similar to cabinet projection. Second, the study created an obliquely projected floor plan by inversely shadowing the drawing principles of "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)" and produced a floor plan of the surroundings near Geumcheongyo Bridge in Changdeokgung Palace through the use of rubber sheeting transformation. Projective transformation was confirmed as most suitable during the transformation, and with standard error of 2.1208m, the relatively high accuracy of the transformation shows that the production of a floor plan for "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)" is significant. Furthermore, it implies the possibility of producing floor plans for various documentary paintings produced using the paralleled oblique drawing method in addition to "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)". Third, the study evaluated the accuracy of the spatial information provided by the produced floor plan by comparing the three items of Geumcheongyo Bridge location, Geumcheongyo Bridge and Jinseonmun Gate arrangement, and Geumcheon stone embankment location. The results confirmed the possibility of utilizing the floor plan as a useful tool which helps understand the appearance of the surroundings at the time of "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)" production because it is parallel to the excavation results of the Geumcheongyo Bridge and its context. Therefore, the present study is significant in that it seeks the possibility of producing spatial information recorded in "Donggwoldo(東闕圖)" by applying rubber sheeting transformation and consequently in that it presents a new methodology for understanding the appearance of the East Palace of the Late Joseon Period.