• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.4
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• pp.295-315
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to analyse the ethical basis of two influential global citizenship idea - Rawls' liberal approach and cosmopolitan republicanism - as a theory on global justice. In the aspect of deontology, Rawls' view has the limit not to reflect reciprocal obligation and duty on civil right in the era of economic globalization that inequality has been structured. But cosmopolitan republicanism has the basis of deontological justification because advocates the realization of anti-domination principle at global level. In the aspect of utilitarianism, Rawls attempts to justify the logic rejecting redistribution intra nations. But cosmopolitan republicanism has the potential to decrease maleficence at global level and to increase utility level through overcoming the structured sacrifice of the citizens of developing countries.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.146
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• pp.193-217
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• 2018

Following the lead of Isaiah Berlin, many liberals favor a negative conception of liberty because it limits the amount of interference and coercion that the state has in individual's lives. Such moves leave individuals to place value on their life choices or step back and revise them if desired. It is one thing, however, to argue that modern republicanism characterized by liberty as non-domination contains an alternative conception of liberty.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.337-357
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• 2009

Ned Kelly, the bushranger, is a legendary figure of special significance to the Australians of today. The Aussies' affection for this "horse thief" derives from the fact that the latter has become a national ideal of the "battler" who does not give up in the face of hardships. Peter Carey's is considered to be one of the "national narratives" that not only heroize but also give voice to the Irish rebels who fought for "fair go" in the colonial Australia. However, this paper asserts that there are more to the novel than merely paying a tribute to the national icon, especially when the novel is examined in the context of the "republic controversy." In 1999, the preceding year of the novel's publication, Australia had a national referendum on the issue of whether or not to secede from the Commonwealth. Due to the procedural manipulation of the royalist ruling party, republicanism was voted down. At the time when the majority of Australians were irate with the result of the referendum, Carey's retelling of the supposedly anti-British rebel failed to promote the lost cause. This paper investigates how the narrativization of the legendary figure, whose anti-British and anti-authoritarian attitude can be easily translated into the cause of republicanism, came to appeal to the general reading public. In so doing, this paper compares Carey's novel with the historical Kelly's two epistles: Jerilderie and Cameron Letter. This comparison brings to light what is left out in the process of Carey's narrativization of the rebel's life: the subversive militant voice of an Irish nationalist. The conclusion of this paper is that the possibility for Kelly's life to surface again in the 21st century as a sort of counter-memory is contained by Carey through its inclusion in a highly personalized domestic narrative.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.144
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• pp.257-283
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• 2017

The purpose of this paper is primarily to examine models of collective decision-formation and decision-making. The goal is to propose a model of decision-formation and decision-making that is appropriate for a democratic society. Habermas distinguishes these models of decision-formation and decision-making by liberal, republican, and deliberative political models according to their justification types. Axel Honneth, on the other hand, is divided into three models of liberalism, proceduralism, and republicanism. I want to divide the model of possible decision-making in democratic society into three, that is, the model based on force, the model based on procedure, and the republican model. This distinction will identify the characteristics of each decision-making model and this confirmation will help us find the best decision-making model for a democratic society. In the end, I will combine the republican model with the procedural model. For this synthesis, I will also propose three conditions in modern society. I will argue that the three conditions of collective intelligence, active freedom, and horizontal networks are necessary.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.31
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• pp.155-175
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• 2013

Meantime there has been a tendency to keep silent about the role of Afro-Ibero America Diaspora which contributed to the spirit of independence and the realization of country foundation ideology in the official history of Latin America. In some countries, although the collective resistance of Afro-Ibero America Diaspora, which intended to establish a liberal and equal society resisting against slavery and colonization system, was the foundation of independence and the establishment of a new country, their contribution has been difficult to leave an official trace in Caucasian criollo-centered history system. Along with the development of Hcienda in 17th Century, black slaves' collective resistance was developed mainly with el Virreinato de la Nueva Granada, the center of the Independence movement of Brazil and South America. The black people who escaped resisting against slavery formed communities and developed organized activities through various politics and social activities. However, such communities were mostly dispersed or destroyed by the colonial power, and the collective resistance of Afro-Ibero America Diaspora lost life. On the other side, in case of Colombia, a community of escaped black slaves which was formed in the early 17th Century is solely remaining in Latin America, moreover, Afro-Ibero America Diaspora's struggle for liberty and equality became the foundation for Comuneros revolution and Independence movement in the late 18th Century. Comuneros revolution which occurred in 1781 awoke self-awareness of liberty and equality, and became an ideological base for independence movement based on revolutional republicanism and philosophy of enlightenment. It is considered that South America's independence movement lead by $Sim{\acute{o}}n$ Boívar was a history that could not have started without historical base of Afro-Ibero America Diaspora's resistance against colonization system. Therefore, this study intends to discuss the role and achievement of Afro-Ibero America Diaspora in the process of independence of Latin America mainly with Colombia, which is the center of Independence movement of South America. Through this process, this study intends to revaluate historical contribution of Afro-Ibero America which has been relatively neglected meanwhile in the process of independence and the establishment of country.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.147
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• pp.147-178
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• 2018

In this thesis, the author elaborates on how acceding to the Eurocentric paradigm-driven dichotomy of the premodern vs. modern engenders a logic bottleneck that debilitates academic efforts to explore the formation of the Korean constitution. Following this logic, the author will add credence to the belief that though the West may have had an influence on the formation of Korean democracy, the institution Korea enjoys today is a result of proactive and self-driven interpretation of those influences through the lens of local tradition. This insight is a prerequisite to understanding the spirit of Korea's First Constitution as a result of Koreans creative translation of Western democracy and Republicanism in the Korean context, and one whose roots lie deep in Confucian Great Harmony Thought. Through this, the thesis aims to offer insight into how Confucian Great Harmony Thought can shed light on the historical background of the spirit of Korea's Constitution.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.119-125
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• 2019

Traditionally, the definition of a republic in the constitutional sciences has remained passive, identifying whether or not a king exists. However, this is not an accurate understanding. Reinterpreting the meaning of the Republic at this point is expected to play a role in easing the side effects of neo-liberalism. It is more important than anything to establish a concrete picture of what a republic is in reinterpretating its meaning. Therefore, the main content of this paper is to clarify it by presenting requirements for the Republic.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.371-393
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• 2013

The objective of this article is to compare the characteristics and the origin of Welfare State in Korea and France. This study also finds out the causes of underdevelopment of Welfare State in Korea. In the third Republic of France, the first Industrial Accident Compensation Law was legislated in 1898. The discussion of the project of Law commenced in 1880. The Parliamentary Debate on the legislation of the Law had continued for 18 years. The leaders of the debate was the group of progressive Republicans(Radicals) in the French Parliament. In Korea, it was also in the period of the third Repulic, the President and several members of the Supreme Committee of National Reconstruction (Guk-Ga-Jai-Gun-Choi-Go-Ho-Eui), the authoritative military government who enacted and developed the Social Insurance Law of Industrial Accident Compensation, the first Law of Welfare State in Korea. However, Korea and France show more differences than similarities in the terms of the origin of the Welfare State. The motivations and goals of social policies of the two countries were quite different at the beginning stage. In France, the progressive Republicans of Parliament made welfare state policies in order to maintain the politico-social hegemony and social peace by provision of economic supports to workers. In Korea, the group of military officers had begun the welfare legislation in order to win the general election and obtain political power in 1963. Comparison on the origins of the welfare states in the two countries shows similarities as well as differences in terms of the role of actors. In France, the state and the owners of big enterprises had agreed and played positive roles in the legislation of the welfare state policies. However, the owners of small companies, merchants and farmers had played negative roles. Like the French case, Korean government and owners of big enterprises had played positive roles. The state as a major actor of the legislation of the social insurance programs in the two countries are slightly different. In Korea, the owners of small companies had played negative roles in making of medical insurance programs in 1976. Comparison of the current state of two welfare states shows substantial differences in terms of the development of the welfare state. What is the reason for such differences? Why does Korean Welfare State underdevelop? Historically, the developmentalism as an major ideology of the third Republic of Korea has continually influenced the underdevelopment of the Welfare State. It implies that Koreans have to invent a new ideology of Welfare State which can replace the developmentalism and support the development of Welfare State in the future. Without such a new ideology, it is very difficult to develop an european style welfare state in Korea.