• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Design Studies Conference
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• 2003.05a
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• pp.160.1-161
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• 2003

• Asian Journal of Business Environment
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.5-19
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• 2021

Purpose: The purpose of this research is to study the role of life satisfaction, quality consciousness, and religiosity, which are integrated with the TRA Model to explain the switching intention of Muslim consumers to use Halal Cosmetics and Personal Care (HCPC). The second purpose is to investigate the relationship between variables used in this study to provide recommendations to HCPC producers about Muslim consumer behavior in the market. Research design, data, and methodology: The target population in this study is Muslims who live in Greater Jakarta. Data collection is carried out by the self-administered survey method based on the Purposive sampling technique, and the questionnaire is distributed online. The statistical analysis to test the research hypotheses is the Partial Least Squares - Structural Equation Model (PLS-SEM). Results: Life satisfaction, product quality consciousness, and religious commitment have a significant effect on attitude to switching but do not significantly influence the intention of switching to use HCPC. Conclusions: Life satisfaction, quality consciousness, and religiosity that represent individual factors indirectly affect the intention to switch to use HCPC. Thus, religious commitment influences attitude to switching both directly and indirectly.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.56 no.7 s.107
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• pp.1-17
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• 2006

This study purposed to examine Korean people's white clothes custom historically and to explain the aesthetic consciousness latent in the custom. Korean people preferred white clothes, even up to foreigners called them White-clad folk. Not only as in old historical literatures, but also in Soo-suh, Shin-Dang-suh including Sam-Kuk-Ji in China, white clothes were a real symbol to Korean people, ranging chronically far back to the age of ancient tribal countries, Sam-Kuk Period through Koryo Dynasty and even to modern age near the end of Chosun Dynasty, wearing with pleasure regardless of age, sex or social position. Even King himself in Koryo Dynasty is said to have worn white clothes when he was out of official hours. During the Koryo and Chosun Dynasty, white clothes were sometimes prohibited for various reasons including conflicts with the theories of yin-yang and the five elements but such regulations were not effective. To Korean people, white clothes were ordinary people's everyday dress as well as noble people's plain suits, saints' uniforms with religious meanings, ceremonial costumes, funeral garments, etc. The various uses show that white clothes have been worn by many people. The unique custom that a People have worn white clothes consistently for such a long time may contain very deep symbolic meanings representing the people's sentiments and spirits. The present study understood that the meanings come from religious sacredness, magical wish for brightness, the pursuit of purity originating from the people's national traits, assimilation with nature and the will to attain whole ascetic personality. Aesthetic attitudes based on aesthetic values summed up as sacredness, brightness, purity, assimilation with nature, asceticism, etc. are the aesthetic consciousness pursued by Koreans through their white clothes. For Koreans, white color is the origin of their color sense coming from primitive religions such as worshipping the sun and the heaven. In this way, Korean people's preference for white clothes began with primitive religions, was mixed with various social, cultural and religious influences and finally was settled as their durable spirit, symbol and beauty.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.80
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• pp.1-30
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• 2011

Confucianism and Buddhism were compatible in the period of Goryeo Dynasty. And then, the rulers worshiped Confucianism and repressed the religious activity of the Buddhist monk in the early years of the Joseon Dynasty. But King Sejong planed to bring reconciliation between Confucianism and Buddhism. Especially on the ceremonies of mourning and sacrificial rituals, he always performed the two religious style. The reason of sticking to his amicable consciousness is as follows. Firstly, he thinks that both the theory of Confucianism and the religious spirit of Buddhism are very important for the building up the foundation of his Dynasty. Secondly, his mind has been of a same faith cure on the incurable disease. Therefor, when the Royal family is taken ill he must pray to Buddha for recovery from the first stage. Thirdly, he regards social conditions to be the most important and respect for man's life and dignity for the purpose of beneficent administration. But Joseon's government line was the anti-Buddhist policy. So, the policy came in the wake of a debate among King Sejong and Confucian government officials. However his harmonious mind was unchanged between Confucianism and Buddhism. After all, in the last phase of his life he was deeply religious on Buddhism. I think that King Sejong's amicable consciousness could make a contribution to overcome religious conflicts and to create a new political cultural form in the modern society

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.65
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• pp.9-27
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• 2021

Religious language learning is crucial for children's spiritual development and how each child is encouraged to speak about the Sacred will drive the capacities for healthily connecting with one another, God, and the nonhuman world. Religious educators have an ethical imperative to teach religion with a commitment to celebrating lived experiences, while resisting dogmatic instruction that stunts linguistic, cognitive, and spiritual development. Cultural influences must encourage approaches that nurture children's wonder and inquiry, by teaching religious language as a tool for meaning-making and expression.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.18
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• pp.149-164
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• 2004

Various social surveys conducted by mass media and government agencies in recent years in Japan suggest that the percentage of those who believe in religion are between twenty and thirty percent. However, more than seventy percent of Japanese visit Shinto shrines or Buddhist temples during the New year period. Although there are varying interpretations on whether Japanese people are religious or not, detailed research shows the existence of certain religious tendencies among Japanese. I base my estimates on research surveys of college students covering a period of almost ten years. It is helpful for understanding the religiosity of the Japanese to differentiate between "clear-cut religion" and "peripheral religious phenomena." The exact boundary between these two categories, however, is difficult to clearly demarcate. "Clear-cut religion" refers here phenomena which are directly related to established religious organizations such as shrine Shinto, Buddhist sects, or Christianity. "Peripheral religious phenomena" covers such phenomena as fortune telling, mystical phenomena, religious customs and similar matters. It is often said that the younger generations are less concerned with religion. Our seven surveys questioning several thousand college students, conducted between 1995 and 2001, show that only between six and seven percent of the students state that they believe in religion. Additionally, the extent of negative attitudes toward religion quite remarkable. On the other hand, students who take part in conventional ritual such as a New year's visit to a shrine or temple and visiting the graves of ancestors amount to about fifty percentage. In spite of the prevailing negative attitude toward religious groups, these students have apparently kept a certain level of interest in religious customs. Moreover, they show a relatively strong interest in fortune telling, mystical phenomena, or supernatural phenomena. The exact degree of a positive attitude toward peripheral religious phenomena differs according to the level of being informed on these matters. As a whole, they largely rely on information gained from their families and local communities. Therefore, we can conclude that there is a degree of transmission of religious culture among younger generations.

• Journal of Korean Public Health Nursing
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.262-272
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• 2009

Objectives: This study sought to provide basic data for the establishment of a desirable sense of ethics in medical service by analyzing the consciousness of biomedical ethics of nursing students. Methods: Subjects were nursing students selected from four-year and three-year nursing colleges (n=355 and 360, respectively) in D city and G buk-Do region. The Data was analyzed using t-test, one-way ANOVA, and multiple regression. Results: The average point of the consciousness of biomedical ethics was 2.99. As result of analyzing general and specific aspects of the consciousness of biomedical ethics, statistically significant differences were found in age, religion, participation in religious activity, kinds of student group activity in subjects, ethical values, experience of hearing for biomedical ethics, quantity and quality of biomedical ethics in the current curriculum, the experience of conflict for biomedical ethical problem in subjects. The predicting variables that influence the consciousness of biomedical ethics, ethical values, quantity and quality of biomedical ethics in the current curriculum, religion, age, and experience of hearing for biomedical ethics. Conclusions: An arbitration program that could promote either changeable or controllable ethical values must be considered with attention to the significant variables that can promote the consciousness of biomedical ethics of nursing students.

• Management & Information Systems Review
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.363-376
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• 2012

In Korea, religious bodies are being given tax benefits like tax exemption and reduction in accordance with the Local Tax Law. By the way, there's no difference between tax benefits given to religious bodies and other kinds of non-profit corporations. In other words, tax exemption and reduction for religious bodies are being made without considering the very nature of the bodies. This is causing lots of problems. Currently, tax supports to religious bodies are mostly focusing on tax items related to their property, considerably diverting from the ultimate purpose and objectives of tax exemption and reduction for religious organizations. This is not also weakening local finance, but also diverting from the basic intent of so-called the induction system that if necessary, tax supports are given, but they have to be minimized. To solve these problems, comprehensive actions need to be taken, for example, reducing tax benefits given to religious bodies' property and motivating the bodies to make a variety of donations like in developed countries. Now, religious bodies should change their consciousness of tax liability that is imposed by the Local Tax Law. And the government should be more systematic in the collection and management of data that are necessary to levy taxes on religious bodies. If required, the government show the data to religious bodies, convincing them to positively fulfil their tax liability without complaint. This study discusses the current state and problems of existing local tax systems in relation to religious bodies and then propose how to improve the systems. If the systems of tax exemption and reduction for religious bodies under the Local Tax Law can be improved, it would contribute to improve the finance of local autonomous bodies.

• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.81-112
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• 2015

This essay interrogates the category of the 'global' in the emerging domain of 'global intellectual history'. Through a case study of the Indian social-religious reformer Rammohun Roy (1772/4-1833), I argue that notions of global selfhood and rights-consciousness (which have been preoccupying concerns of recent debates in intellectual history) have multiple conceptual and practical points of origin. Thus in early colonial India a person like Rammohun Roy could invoke centuries-old Indic terms of globality (vishva, jagat, sarva, sarvabhuta, etc.), selfhood (atman/brahman), and notions of right (adhikara) to liberation/salvation (mukti/moksha) as well as late precolonial discourses on 'worldly' rights consciousness (to life, property, religious toleration) and models of participatory governance present in an Indo-Islamic society, and hybridize these with Western-origin notions of rights and liberties. Thereby Rammohun could challenge the racial and confessional assumptions of colonial authority and produce a more deterritorialized and non-sectarian idea of selfhood and governance. However, Rammohun's comparativist world-historical notions excluded other models of selfhood and globality, such as those produced by devotional Vaishnava, Shaiva, and Shakta-Tantric discourses under the influence of non-Brahmanical communities and women. Rammohun's puritan condemnation of non-Brahmanical sexual and gender relations created a homogenized and hierarchical model of globality, obscuring alternate subaltern-inflected notions of selfhood. Class, caste, and gender biases rendered Rammohun supportive of British colonial rule and distanced him from popular anti-colonial revolts and social mobility movements in India. This article argues that today's intellectual historians run the risk of repeating Rammohun's biases (or those of Hegel's Weltgeschichte) if they privilege the historicity and value of certain models of global selfhood and rights-consciousness (such as those derived from a constructed notion of the 'West' or from constructed notions of various 'elite' classicized 'cultures'), to the exclusion of models produced by disenfranchised actors across the world. Instead of operating through hierarchical assumptions about local/global polarity, intellectual historians should remain sensitive to and learn from the universalizable models of selfhood, rights, and justice produced by actors in different spatio-temporal locations and intersections.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.38
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• pp.297-329
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• 2015

Since 1989 about one million Jews from Former Soviet Union have immigrated to Israel. Now Russian speaking Jews are the second largest ethnic groups after the Israeli Jews who were born in Israel. Although FSU Jews have returned to their ethnic homeland, they continue to live as 'foreigners' due to a cultural distance between sending and receiving society, such as, lack of knowledge about Jewish tradition and religious practice and low level of Hebrew proficiency. Because of this reason FSU immigrants tend to continue remain strong ties with Russian language and culture. There are several reasons for such a relatively slow process of language shift of FSU Jewish immigrants, the language shift to Hebrew. Firstly, majority of FSU immigrants moved to Israel since the 1990s are older than 45. Secondly, their first residences in Israel are mostly located in small and mid-sized cities, where the proportion of Russian speaking immigrants is more than 30%. And finally they consider Russian culture is 'superior' to Israel's Levantine culture. For many Jewish diasporic communities, Judaism was a dominant factor for self-consciousness, but because of Soviet regime, aimed to break all the religious institution including Jewish, Soviet Jewry was uprooted from their religious traditions. Besides about 30% of FSU immigrants are not defined as Jews by the Jewish religious law(Halakhah). And many of them are reluctant to convert to Judaism. FSU Jewish immigrant agree that Israel must be a Jewish state, but for them 'Jewish' does not include religious elements. FSU immigrants consider that religious affiliation of citizens of Israel should not affect their civic rights.