• Korean Security Journal
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• no.44
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• pp.85-116
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• 2015

Found in 23 Dec 1953 to cope with illegal fishing of foreign ships and coastal guard duty, Korea Coast Guard was re-organized as an office under Ministry of Public Safety since the outbreak of sinking of passenger ship "Sewolho". In the course of re-organization, intelligence and investigation duty were transferred to Police Department except "Cases happened on the sea". But the definition of intelligence duty is vague and there are lots of disputes over the jurisdiction and range of activities. With this situation in consideration, the object of this study is to analyse legal and institutional characteristic of KCG Intelligence, to compare them to that of Police Department, foreign agencies like Japan Coast Guard and US Coast Guard, to expose the limit and to suggest solution. To summarize the conclusion, firstly, in the legal side, there is no legal basis on intelligence in [The Government Organization Act], no regulation for mission, weak basis in application act. Secondly, in the institutional side, stated in the minor chapter of [The Government Organization Act], 'the cases happened on sea' is a quite vague definition, while guard, safety, maritime pollution duty falls under 'on the sea' category, intelligence fell to 'Cases happened on the sea' causing coast guard duty and intelligence have different range. In addition, reduced organization and it's manpower led to ineffective intelligence activities. In the case of Police Department, there is definite lines on 'administration concerning public security' in [The Government Organization Act], specified the range of intelligence activities as 'collect, make and distribute information concerning public security' which made the range of main duty and intelligence identical. Japanese and US coast guards also have intelligence branch and performing activities appropriate for the main missions of the organizations. To have superiority in the regional sea, neighboring countries Japan and China are strengthening on maritime power, China has launched new coast guard bureau, Japan has given the coast guard officers to have police authority in the regional islands, and to support the objectives, specialized intelligence is organized and under development. To secure maritime sovereignty and enhance mission capability in maritime safety duty, it is strongly recommended that the KCG intelligence should have concrete legal basis, strengthen the organization and mission, reinforce manpower, and ensure specialized training administrative system.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.13
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• pp.687-738
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• 2016

To prepare for the complicated international relationship regarding Korean Peninsula after reunification, this thesis started off with the awareness that Unified Korea should build its international posture and national security at an early stage by determining its appropriate military strength for independent defense and military strategies that Unified Korea should aim. The main theme of this thesis is 'The research on appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military'. To derive appropriate military strength of Unified Korea, this research focuses on conflict scenario and relative balance strategy based on potential threats posed by neighboring countries, and this is the part that differentiates this research from other researches. First of all, the main objective of the research is to decide appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to secure defense sufficiency. For this, this research will decide efficient military strategy that Unified Korea should aim. Than by presuming the most possible military conflict scenario, this research will judge the most appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to overcome the dispute. Second, after deciding appropriate military strength, this research will suggest how to operate presumed military strength in each armed force. The result of this thesis is as in the following. First, Unified Korea should aim 'relative balance strategy'. 'Relative balance strategy' is a military strategy which Unified Korea can independently secure defense sufficiency by maintaining relative balance when conflicts occur between neighboring countries. This strategy deters conflicts in advance by relative balance of power in certain time and place. Even if conflict occurs inevitably, this strategy secures initiative. Second, when analyzing neighboring countries interest and strategic environment after unification, the possibility of all-out war will be low in the Korean Peninsula because no other nation wants the Korean Peninsula to be subordinated to one single country. Therefore appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military would be enough when Unified Korea can achieve relative balance in regional war or limited war. Third, Northeast Asia is a region where economic power and military strength is concentrated. Despite increasing mutual cooperation in the region, conflicts and competition to expand each countries influence is inherent. Japan is constantly enhancing their military strength as they aim for normal statehood. China is modernizing their military strength as they aspire to become global central nation. Russia is also enhancing their military strength in order to hold on to their past glory of Soviet Union as a world power. As a result, both in quality and quantity, the gap between military strength of Unified Korea and each neighboring countries is enlarged at an alarming rate. Especially in the field of air-sea power, arms race is occurring between each nation. Therefore Unified Korea should be equipped with appropriate military strength in order to achieve relative balance with each threats posed by neighboring countries. Fourth, the most possible conflicts between Unified Korea and neighboring countries could be summarized into four, which are Dokdo territorial dispute with Japan, Leodo jurisdictional dispute with China, territorial dispute concerning northern part of the Korea Peninsula with China and disputes regarding marine resources and sea routes with Russia. Based on those conflict scenarios, appropriate military strength for Unified Korea is as in the following. When conflict occurs with Japan regarding Dokdo, Japan is expected to put JMSDF Escort Flotilla 3, one out of four of its Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force Escort Fleet, which is based in Maizuru and JMSDF Maizuru District. To counterbalance this military strength, Unified Korea needs one task fleet, comprised with three task flotilla. In case of jurisdictional conflict with China concerning Leodo, China is expected to dispatch its North Sea fleet, one out of three of its naval fleet, which is in charge of the Yellow Sea. To response to this military action, Unified Korea needs one task fleet, comprised with three task flotilla. In case of territorial dispute concerning northern part of the Korean Peninsula with China, it is estimated that out of seven Military Region troops, China will dispatch two Military Region troops, including three Army Groups from Shenyang Military Region, where it faces boarder with the Korean Peninsula. To handle with this military strength, Unified Korea needs six corps size ground force strength, including three corps of ground forces, two operational reserve corps(maneuver corps), and one strategic reserve corps(maneuver corps). When conflict occurs with Russia regarding marine resources and sea routes, Russia is expected to send a warfare group of a size that includes two destroyers, which is part of the Pacific Fleet. In order to balance this strength, Unified Korea naval power requires one warfare group including two destroyers. Fifth, management direction for the Unified Korean military is as in the following. Regarding the ground force management, it would be most efficient to deploy troops in the border area with china for regional and counter-amphibious defense. For the defense except the border line with china, the most efficient form of force management would be maintaining strategic reserve corps. The naval force should achieve relative balance with neighboring countries when there is maritime dispute and build 'task fleet' which can independently handle long-range maritime mission. Of the three 'task fleet', one task fleet should be deployed at Jeju base to prepare for Dokdo territorial dispute and Leodo jurisdictional dispute. Also in case of regional conflict with china, one task fleet should be positioned at Yellow Sea and for regional conflict with Japan and Russia, one task fleet should be deployed at East Sea. Realistically, Unified Korea cannot possess an air force equal to neither Japan nor China in quantity. Therefore, although Unified Korea's air force might be inferior in quantity, they should possess the systematic level which Japan or China has. For this Unified Korea should build air base in island areas like Jeju Island or Ullenong Island to increase combat radius. Also to block off infiltration of enemy attack plane, air force needs to build and manage air bases near coastal areas. For landing operation forces, Marine Corps should be managed in the size of two divisions. For island defense force, which is in charge of Jeju Island, Ulleung Island, Dokdo Island and five northwestern boarder island defenses, it should be in the size of one brigade. Also for standing international peace keeping operation, it requires one brigade. Therefore Marine Corps should be organized into three divisions. The result of the research yields a few policy implications when building appropriate military strength for Unified Korea. First, Unified Korea requires lower number of ground troops compared to that of current ROK(Republic of Korea) force. Second, air-sea forces should be drastically reinforced. Third, appropriate military strength of the Unified Korean military should be based on current ROK military system. Forth, building appropriate military strength for Unified Korea should start from today, not after reunification. Because of this, South Korea should build a military power that can simultaneously prepare for current North Korea's provocations and future threats from neighboring countries after reunification. The core of this research is to decide appropriate military strength for Unified Korea to realize relative balance that will ensure defense sufficiency from neighboring countries threats. In other words, this research should precisely be aware of threats posed by neighboring countries and decide minimum level of military strength that could realize relative balance in conflict situation. Moreover this research will show the path for building appropriate military strength in each armed force.

• Journal of vocational education research
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.47-75
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• 2017

The purpose of this study was to provide basic data for policy making for secondary vocational education in each region and transformation in vocational high schools. To achieve this, the regional strategic industries in Daejeon and Jeonnam were selected, new demand for vocational high school graduates was forecasted in each industry and occupation. The results of the study are as follows. First, locational quotient analysis and regional shift-share analysis revealed that Daejon and Jeonnam have different strategic industries. Daejon, unlike Jeonnam strategically develops 'manufacturing food, beverage and tobacco', 'manufacturing timber and paper, printing and copying', 'public service and administration of national defense and social security' and 'manufacturing electrical devices, electronics and precision devices'. Jeonnam has specialized industries distinguished from Daejon's, which are 'manufacturing of machinery transportation equipments and etc', 'manufacturing of non-metallic minerals and metal products', 'electric, gas, steam and water supply systems/industries', 'manufacturing coal and chemical products, refining petroleum', 'mining' and 'agriculture, forestry and fishery'. Second, new demand for vocational high school graduates by occupations and industries showed regional differences(in Daejon and Jeonnam). According the forecast, Daejon will have many workforce demands based on manufacturing industries, on the other hand Jeonnam's focused on service industries. Analysis by occupations was also different, Daejon showed high demands on professional and related workers, while Jeonnam requested many new office and service workers. Third, new workforce demand by occupations in regional strategic industries is big part of overall new workforce demand both in Daejon and Jeonnam. Forth, according to the results of analyzing the new demand for vocational high school graduates in Daejeon and Jeonnam in terms of industry location quotient and change effect, there was high demand in industries with positive total change effects. In terms of location quotient, Daejeon and Jeonnam showed different results.

• The Journal of the Korean dental association
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• v.54 no.8
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• pp.613-629
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• 2016

This study assayed regional distribution of dental hospital & dental clinics, the number of population & households per one dental hospital & clinic, operation condition & duration. This study used public data that display from 1946 years(the first dental clinic open in republic of korea) to 2016 years. We collected present condition of 21,686 dental hospital and clinics available in public data portal site on 28. Feb.2016. Data were classified by scale, location, permission year, operation duration of dental hospital & clinics and were analyzed using SPSS 20.0 program. Surveyed on Feb. 2016. Best top 10 regions of permission dental clinics are (1) Gangnam-gu, Seoul(1,337), (2) Seongnamsi, Gyeonggi-do(555), (3) Songpa-gu, Seoul(491), (4) Yeongdeungpo-gu, Seoul(472), (5) Suwon-si, Gyeonggi-do(443), (6) Seocho-gu, Seoul(428), (7) Nowon-gu, Seoul(417), (8) Goyang-si, Gyeonggi-do(413), (9) Jung-gu, Seoul(380), (10) Yongin-si, Gyeonggi-do(353). Whereas best top 10 regions of operating dental clinics are (1) Gangnam-gu, Seoul(581), (2) Seongnamsi, Gyeonggi-do(415), (3) Suwon-si, Gyeonggi-do(382), (4) Seocho-gu, Seoul(320), (5) Changwon-si, Gyeongsangnam-do(303), (6) Songpa-gu, Seoul(295) (7) Goyang-si, Gyeonggi-do(290), (8) Bucheon-si and Yongin-si, Gyeonggi-do(262), (9) Jeonju-si, Jeollabuk-do(224). Average population per one dental hospital & clinic by regional local government are 3,120 people. Best five region of population per one dental hospital & clinic are (1) Sejong-si(5,272), (2) Gangwon-do(4,653), (3) Chungcheongbuk-do(4,513), (4) Gyeongsangbuk-do(4,490), (5) Chungcheongnam-do(4,402). Average households per one dental hospital & clinic by regional local government are 1,316 households. Best three region of households per one dental hospital & clinic are (1) Sejong-si(2,126), (2) Gangwon-do(2,057), (3) Gyeongsangbuk-do(1,946). From 1946 to 1986, permission and operating dental hospital and clinics was steadily increasing. On 1986-1990, 1991-1995, permission, operation and closure of dental hospital and clinics increase rapidly. From the 2011-2015 to 2016(present), permission, operation and closure of dental hospital and clinics is decreasing. Average operating duration of closured dental hospital and clinics are 14.054 years. We need to map of dental hospital and clinics for open and operation of one, base on analyzed results. In an era of 30,000 dentist, we should to be concerned about operation of dental clinics in the light of past operating condition.

• Journal of Satellite, Information and Communications
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.108-115
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• 2012

Many studies relating the satellite navigation has been done by a relatively small research community in Korea. Most of domestic research has been focused on the application of the satellite navigation technology, but recently the topics of the next generation satellite navigation system are emphasized for its importance. Even opinions suggesting a future Korea's own satellite navigation system are not that uncommon. Due to the geographic, economic, and technological reasons, it is not widely discussed yet. However, a development technical roadmap regarding the Korea's own navigation satellite was established on the Korea Space Development Plan in general term. Currently four global navigation satellite systems are operating or being deployed. Several regional navigation satellite systems are in planning and development phase. Particularly in Asia, China has launched several satellites to complete their own global navigation satellite system, COMPASS until 2020. Japan launched one satellite and has planned to launch rest of set until 2013. It is proper time to develop Korea's own navigation satellite system to acquire the domestic space development technology and the security of navigational infrastructure. In this study, the validity or the feasibility of the Korea's own satellite navigation system is not discussed; rather the possibility and suitability of the additional information to the current operational navigation message is main target. For the first payload of the future Korea's satellite navigation satellite, a regional augmented system is more likely. This study also is focused on that aspect.

• Journal of Cadastre & Land InformatiX
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.21-35
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• 2020

Due to the coronavirus pandemic and diplomatic disputes, governments are actively developing a policy to revitalize·reshore manufacturing and to diversify international cooperations. In order to develop such a policy, it is very important to compare and analyze domestic·international geospatial information. Over the decade, the US·EC governments have conducted a series of national researches to build data-based tools that can monitor·analyze regional geospatial information driven by government R&D investments. In the case of the EC system, it can compare geospatial information in domestic and international(including Korea) regions. Compared to US·EC cases, Korean examples of national researches with available data analplatform need future improvements. Current study is investigating an automated analysis methodologies using "National Institute of Science and Technology Information (NTIS)" DB, which was national security data until recently. Research on data-mining regional geospatial information can contribute to support policy fields that need to discover new issues in response to unexpected social problems such as recently faced corona and trade disputes.

• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2020

The study started with the question, "Is Japan's normalization of nationalization a return to militarism?" Therefore, in order to analyze this, the characteristics of the international system after the inauguration of the Japanese Empire during World War I and World War II and the Abe's 2nd Cabinet in contemporary Japan were compared. Through this, there were some differences in the characteristics of the international system of the two periods, and as a result, it was intended to derive the differences between the two examples. During the prewar period of World War I, the militaristic Japanese Empire suffered great damage from the national pride of being the only power in Asia through the Paris Enhancement Conference, the Washington Navy Treaty, and the London Navy Treaty. However, the Western powers with colonies in Asia still existed in the region, so it was not possible to turn them into immediate power expansion. Meanwhile, World War II broke out in Europe. As a result, the Western powers had to focus on the whole of Europe, and the militaristic Japanese empire became a regional hegemony without missing the international system characteristic of "the hegemony." Unlike in the past militarism, Japan's case of pursuing common nationalization since 2012 has been carried out in the order of Northeast Asia in the composition of the "cold war" new cold war. In particular, Japan is attempting to transform itself into a normal state to strengthen the US-Japan alliance on a self-reliant level due to the lack of quantitative military power compared to the neighboring countries.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.63-87
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• 2020

This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".

• Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.9-16
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• 2018

In the event of a disaster, we need people who specialize in rapid regional disaster recovery. However, in the present disaster response system, disaster relief is carried out at the level of public support, volunteer service, etc. There are various problems such as initial response due to lack of expertise, delays in disaster recovery, and inadequate response to disasters. Therefore, it is necessary to establish a unit with early ability to respond to local governments in the event of a disaster and expertise to enable rapid disaster recovery. Therefore, this study limited the preparation of the reserve forces emergency response units for the direction of local security, disaster relief and disaster relief through emergency disaster recovery under the disaster situation.

• Strategy21
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• s.34
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• pp.149-177
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• 2014

Today distant oceans around the world are regarded as a major 'global commons' for international trade and transportation. Korea is not an exception, because Korea hugely depends on sea lines of communication (SLOC) for supplying vital commodities such as food and energy resource. As a result, assuring a free and safe use of distant ocean beyond territory is also an important agenda for Korea's maritime security. However there are a number of challenges for Korea to enjoy a free and safe use of distant ocean; dangers of regional maritime conflict in East Asia, naval arms race of China and Japan, and concerns on possible decline of U.S naval presence and power projection capabilities. These factors provide a reasonable basis for Republic of Korea Navy (ROKN) to pursue capabilities for major naval operations at distant ocean in a long-term perspective toward the year 2030. The introduction of aircraft carrier and nuclear-powered submarine is a key requirement for achieving this goal. ROKN needs to acquire a 'multi-role strategic landing platform' type of light aircraft carrier, which takes a role to escort naval task force by providing air superiority at distant ocean. Additionally nuclear-powered submarine will offer ROKN a formidable power to carry out offensive missions effectively at distant ocean.