• Strategy21
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• 통권43호
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• pp.57-88
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• 2018

Security situations are fundamentally and rapidly changing on the Korean Peninsula. Above all, as North Korea(NK) is heightening its nuclear and missile capabilities, Republic of Korea(ROK) is facing an existential threat. At the same time, as China's economic, diplomatic and military power is quickly rising, the balance of power is shifting and strategic competition between the Unite States(US) and China is accelerating in the Asia-Pacific region. Under the pressure of development of these situations, ROK seems to face allegedly the most serious crisis in its national security since the end of the Korean War. In the current grim geopolitical situation, maritime security may become the most difficult security challenge for ROK in the years to come. The purpose of this paper is to compare major changes in maritime security affairs of the ROK during last twenty years from 1998 until now(2018). 1998 was when this journal 『Strategy 21』 was published for the first time by the Korea Institute for Maritime Strategy. Then, this paper tries to identify challenges and risks with which this country has to deal for its survival and prosperity, and to propose some recommendations for the government, the Navy, and the Coast Guard as they are responsible for the maritime security of the country. The recommendations of this paper are as follows: strengthen ROK-US alliance and expand security cooperation with regional powers in support of the maintenance of the current security order in the region; building-up of maritime security capacity in preparation for crisis on the maritime domain with the navy targeting to acquire 'a non-nuclear, balance-of-terror capability, to improve interoperability with the Coast Guard based on 'a national fleet,' and to actively pursue innovation in naval science and technology. Finally, this paper proposes that naval capability the country needs in another twenty years depends on how effectively and rigorously the navy put its utmost efforts towards building 'a strongest navy' today.

• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.32-64
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• 2015

This paper examines the types and trends of North Korea's military provocations and regional maritime threats against South Korea, and is focusing on the Republic of Korea's naval development and modernizations by the Republic of Korea Navy (ROKN) on future actions, what directions of the ROKN has taken thus far in response, as well as an examination of how the ROKN might respond to vulnerabilities identified throughout modern history. Importantly, this paper does not consider the domestic, bilateral, multilateral, regional and global political dimensions of the situation on the Korean Peninsula; nor does it consider the North Korea's transitional power politics, but including North Korea's nuclear program and submarine-launched ballistic missile developments, as a caveat, this paper is based on open sources in Korean and English language, and thus information concerning provocations is indicative only.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제21권11호
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• pp.43-48
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• 2021

The article proposes a method of modeling a comprehensive indicator for evaluating the effectiveness of regional management of innovation activity. This will make it possible to assess the effectiveness of personnel, financial and credit and foreign economic activity of the regions from the standpoint of an integrated approach. The modeling technique is proposed to be carried out using the tools of taxonomic analysis and the calculation of a complex indicator of the effectiveness of the innovation activity management.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제22권5호
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• pp.61-66
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• 2022

The main purpose of the article is to analyze the key aspects of didactic games and exercises in the sensory development of preschoolers. The relevance of the chosen subject determines the fact that there are a number of problems in the specifics of the development of preschoolers and their characteristics, which manifest themselves individually. The importance of using didactic games and exercises in the development of preschoolers has been proved. The methodology includes a number of theoretical and practical methods, which together form the research methodology. Based on the results of the study, key aspects of the importance of the influence of dadactic games and exercises in the sensory development of preschoolers were identified. Further research requires the question of analyzing modern technologies for the formation of modern methods of sensory development for preschoolers.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제22권11호
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• pp.51-56
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• 2022

The main purpose of the study is to analyze the features of ensuring the financial and economic security of the state in an aggressive external environment. The concept of financial and economic security should contain the priority goals and objectives of ensuring security, ways and methods to achieve them, adequately reflecting the role of finance in the socioeconomic development of the state. Its content is designed to coordinate nationwide actions in the field of security at the level of individual citizens, business entities, industries, sectors of the economy, as well as at the regional, national and international levels. The methodology includes a number of scientific and theoretical methods of analysis. Based on the results of the study, the key aspects of the system for ensuring the financial and economic security of the state in an aggressive external environment were identified.

• Strategy21
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• 통권33호
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• pp.113-147
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• 2014

While China's military rise is an issue of growing importance to regional security, it is worthwhile to note that it is not China's military modernization per se, but its capacity to project and sustain power along and beyond its borders--in particular, the possibility to resolve forcefully its outstanding maritime disputes and various contingencies. This essay argues that China's "anti-access capability"--a U.S.-coined term originally developed for a Taiwan contingency--is equally applicable to other major regional cases such as the Spratly disputes and a North Korean contingency. Furthermore, notwithstanding China's continuos efforts to develop and deploy various types and classes of weapons/platforms, it is the Russian systems and technologies that are most capable and thus likely assigned to the highest mission-critical areas. In assessing China's current and likely future military capability as well as their implications for the region, it is necessary to take note of the following: • There exists asymmetry of military capability between China and its weaker neighbors. While the PLAN is weak in several important aspects, for instance, many of its neighbors' navies are weaker still. • Some have argued that China's foreign policy behavior apparently became more "assertive" in 2009-2013, but it is wiser to keep in mind that China has almost always been assertive and aggressive when it comes to what China defines as "sovereignty and territorial issues" as well as its newest "core interests." • On the South China Sea disputes it is the function of U.S. presence in the theater--in the form of overseas bases and the freedom of navigation--and the PLA's own limitations to project and sustain power for an extended period of time that have largely prevented armed. • While Taiwan remains the idee fixe of China's diplomacy and military, it is and will be a tough nut to crack. China's recent creeping attempts for economic integration with Taiwan should be seen in this context. • China and Japan, the two regional heavyweights and traditional rivals, will likely have a bilateral relationship that is replete with difficulties and tension. China's unilateral announcement of its ADIZ in November 2013 as well as the occasional yet persistent disputes with Japan over the Senkaku/Diaoyudao/Diaoyutai islands are only the latest manifestation of this deeper and difficult relationship. • For Korean security it is imperative to take into account the geostrategic and historical factors. On top of the existing military threats from North Korea, the ROK should be able to employ a) hedging strategy, b) "limited defense sufficiency" strategy, and c) rock-solid relations with the United States.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.37-78
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• 2022

냉전의 종식 이후, 압도적인 국력을 바탕으로 유지되어왔던 미국 주도의 국제질서는 미국의 글로벌 리더십 약화와 지역 강대국들의 부상이 맞물리면서, 점차 단극체제에서 양극체제 또는 다극체제로 재편되고 있는 양상이다. 지정학적으로, 동아시아는 미국 뿐 아니라 지역 강대국들의 국익이 첨예하게 중첩되고 대치되는 지역이라는 관점에서, 국제질서의 재편이 가져올 안보 불안정 상황에 관한 논의가 끈임없이 제기되어져 왔다. 본 연구는 국내에서 이루어지는 안보 논의가 적절한 위기 인식과 평가에 근간하고 있는지에 대한 비판적 분석을 시도한다. 본 연구는 국내에서 대두되는 안보 위기론이 과대 위협 인식에 기인하는 경향이 있음을 지적하고, 국제질서의 재편이 지역 안보에 가할 수 있는 위협의 본질과 수준에 대한 보다 객관적인 평가와 개념화의 필요성을 강조한다. 본 연구는 양극체제 (1950-1990), 단극체제 (1991-2008), 다극체제 (2009-현재)로 구분되는 기간 동안, 동아시아 지역에서 발생하는 분쟁 양상(빈도와 강도)의 변화에 대한 분석을 토대로, '무력 분쟁'의 관점에서, 동아시아가 다른 지역에 비해 국제질서 재편에 크게 취약하지 않았으며, 독자적인 평화를 구축하고 유지해 왔음을 보여준다. 이 연구는 국제질서의 재편으로 인해 가중되는 외교·안보적 부담과 복잡화된 손익 계산이 반드시 중대한 안보 위협으로 해석될 필요가 없음을 강조한다. 불필요한 안보 이슈 확대가 대한민국의 외교적 전략 공간을 축소시킬 수 있기 때문이다.

• 한국방재안전학회논문집
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.55-63
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• 2013

기존 주민대피기준은 대부분 1990년대에 제안되어 최근의 기상이변으로 인한 집중강우와 지역특성을 반영하지 않고 각 지자체에서 획일적으로 적용하고 있어 계속해서 피해가 발생하고 있다. 따라서 최근의 증가된 집중강우특성과 지역별 특성 등을 반영한 급경사지-강우량에 대한 상관관계에 대한 연구가 필요한 실정이다. 본 논문에서는 급경사지 붕괴-강우데이터를 조사하여 강우량과 강우지속시간에 따른 붕괴시점을 분석하고 지방자치단체에서 신속히 주민을 대피시킬 수 있도록 새로운 주민대피기준(안)을 제시하였다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권36호
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• pp.5-32
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• 2015

Geopolitics or Political Geography is an essential academic field that should be studied carefully for a more comprehensive analysis of international security relations. However, because of its tarnished image as an ideology that supported the NAZI German expansion and aggression, geopolitics has not been regarded as a pure academic field and was rejected and expelled from the academic communities starting from the Cold War years in 1945. During the Cold War, ideology, rather than geography, was considered more important in conducting and analyzing international relations. However, after the end of the Cold War and with the beginning of a new era in which territorial and religious confrontations are taking place among nations - including sub national tribal political organizations such as the Al Quaeda and other terrorist organizations - geopolitical analysis again is in vogue among the scholars and analysts on international security affairs. Most of the conflicts in international relations that is occurring now in the post-Cold War years can be explained more effectively with geopolitical concepts. The post - Cold War international relations among East Asian countries are especially better explained with geopolitical concepts. Unlike Europe, where peaceful development took place after the Cold War, China, Japan, Korea, the United States, Taiwan and Vietnam are feeling more insecure in the post-Cold War years. Most of the East Asian nations' economies have burgeoned during the Cold War years under the protection of the international security structure provided by the two superpowers. However, after the Cold War years, the international security structure has not been stable in East Asia and thus most of the East Asian nations began to build up stronger military forces of their own. Because most of the East Asian nations' national security and economy depend on the oceans, these nations desire to obtain more powerful navies and try to occupy islands, islets, or even rocks that may seem like a strategic asset for their economy and security. In this regard, the western Pacific Ocean is becoming a place of confrontation among the East Asian nations. As Robert Kaplan, an eminent international analyst, mentioned, East Asia is a Seascape while Europe is a Landscape. The possibility of international conflict on the waters of East Asia is higher than in any other period in East Asia's international history.

• 대한지리학회지
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• 제39권6호
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• pp.933-954
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• 2004

본 논문은 국제환경안보의 개념적 발달과정을 비판적으로 고찰하고, 이에 기초하여 동북아 지역에서 환경거버넌스의 구축을 어렵게 하는 몇 가지 주요한 한계들을 지적하고자 한다. 국제 환경안보의 개념은 전통적 의미 또는 현실주의적 의미의 안보 개념에서 나아가 신자유주의적 환경안보와 정치경제적 환경안보의 개념으로 발전하게 되었으며, 이러한 환경안보의 개념과 관련하여 환경레짐과 환경거버넌스의 개념이 비판적으로 검토되었다. 진정한 환경거버넌스를 (이론 및 현실에서) 구축하기 위하여 환경문제를 유발하는 정치경제적 배경에 관한 분석과 더불어 시민사회의 성숙이 필요하다는 점이 강조된다. 동북아 지역의 환경안보에 있어 한계점으로 경제적 분업구조. 정치군사적 대립관계 그리고 시민 의식의 미성숙과 상호배타성 등이 지적될 수 있다. 동북아 지역의 진정한 환경안보를 위하여, 호혜적 경제협력체계의 구축, 정치적 신뢰 및 국가간 연계기구의 설립, 비정부기구의 교류 증대 등이 요청되고 있다.