• Journal of KIISE:Computing Practices and Letters
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.135-139
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• 2009

We present a new ensemble learning method that employs the set of region experts, each of which learns to handle a subset of the training data. We split the training data and generate experts for different regions in the feature space. When classifying a data, we apply a weighted voting among the experts that include the data in their region. We used ten datasets to compare the performance of our new ensemble method with that of single classifiers as well as other ensemble methods such as Bagging and Adaboost. We used SMO, Naive Bayes and C4.5 as base learning algorithms. As a result, we found that the performance of our method is comparable to that of Adaboost and Bagging when the base learner is C4.5. In the remaining cases, our method outperformed the benchmark methods.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.7-25
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• 2013

For the Palestinians, what is the impact of the Arab Spring? The revolution not only dislodged Mubarak from the presidency, but also changed Egyptian policy regarding Palestinians in Gaza. New Egyptian diplomacy has encouraged Hamas and Fatah, which had been in dispute, to seek reconciliation and has loosened the border control on humanitarian grounds. We focus on Palestinian voting attitudes in the wake of the Arab Spring. Despite the vast quantity of literature written about Palestinian politics since the first decade of the millennium, we know little about the determinants of Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The Fatah government, in the West Bank, increased in popularity after submitting a request for UN recognition of Palestinian statehood. In Gaza, the Hamas government lost popularity because of mismanagement but won support through the success of its prisoner swap deal with Israel. However, evaluation of the ruling party does not depend only on one-time events. This research attempts to measure the impact of policy change in Gaza after the Arab Spring. We provide an account of our research on Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments based on two sets of the original survey data conducted in May 2009 and June 2012. The paper sheds light on Palestinian attitudes and makes clear the effects of "democratization" in the Middle East and the effects of regional context factors on the occupied Palestinians.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Railway
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.236-243
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• 2010

We examine the change in healthcare utilization pattern of cancer patients since the launch of KTX in 2004. It is found that during the year of 2004 and 2005 the rapid increase in the ratio of cancer patients' healthcare utilizations for the tertiary hospitals in Seoul to the total healthcare utilizations has accompanied the rapid decrease in the corresponding ratio for the tertiary hospitals in the local metropolitan areas under the influence of KTX while the corresponding ratio for the tertiary hospitals in the local cities with little influence of KTX on them has exhibited mild change. Since healthcare consumers' choice of hospitals can be characterized by "foot voting" action in the healthcare service market in Korea, such a phenomenon may have strong implication that the introduction of KTX may have affected substantially the inter-area healthcare utilization pattern by cancer patients by reducing various sorts of long-distance travel costs. Therefore, considering the potential contribution of KTX to the increase of cancer patients' accessibility to hospitals with higher qualities, support policies such as fare discount for low-income cancer patients in local areas may need to be taken into consideration where the well-designed fare discount program for low-income cancer patients may increase utilizations of KTX by lowincome cancer patients without incurring additional costs to running of KTX.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.241-276
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• 2018

This article measures equal weighted voting to evaluate the fairness of a redistricting system operated in the $4^{th}$ to the $6^{th}$ metropolitan council elections using a new index. The cosine square index using in the article would be useful on what we see the ratio of the equality of population among metropolitan regions and the fairness of the whole electoral system, along with its simple calculation. The results of the fairness of the $4^{th}$ to the $6^{th}$ metropolitan council elections calculated by the cosine square index are as follow: Because the $4^{th}$ metropolitan council election uniformly elects two members for each electoral district regardless of the size of the population, it has a low equality of population between districts. But as a result of the decision of the Constitutional Court in 2007, standard of population variation in electoral district has been strengthened to 4 : 1 from the $5^{th}$ metropolitan council election. It increases significantly equality of population between districts from the $5^{th}$ metropolitan council election. But in the elections from the $4^{th}$ to the $6^{th}$ metropolitan council elections, Rural electoral districts continuously show the lowest equality of population between districts. It also shows the growing disparity between urban and rural areas as well as between capital and non-capital. This paper emphasizes that electoral apportionment in local council elections should reflect regional diversity and community identity.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Marine Environment & Energy
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.135-150
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• 2010

At the Intergovernmental Meeting held in 1972, the London Convention was adopted to prevent marine pollution from dumping of wastes and other matter. After that, at the special meeting held at the Headquarters of the International Maritime Organization in 1996, the London Convention was revised to consider advances in technology of treatment and disposal of wastes and to reflect changes in understanding of marine environment and then the London Protocol was concluded. The London Protocol states more concrete management system for ocean dumping than the London Convention and also provides that the Meeting of Contracting Parties shall establish those procedures and mechanisms necessary to assess and promote compliance with the Protocol. With the London Protocol in force since 24 March 2006, the Meeting of Contracting Parties adopted the 'Compliance Procedures and Mechanisms (CPM) pursuant to Article 11 of the 1996 Protocol to the London Convention 1972' and established the Compliance Group in 2007. According to the CPM, members of the Compliance Group shall be nominated by Contracting Parties, based on equitable and balanced geographic representation of the five Regional Groups of the United Nations, and elected by the Meeting of Contracting Parties. In 2009, the Republic of Korea nominated a member of the Compliance Group to be subsequently elected by the Meeting of Contracting Parties with the approval of other states in Asia Group. Through the United Nations Regional Group System based on geographical identity or political affinity, Contracting Parties to the London Protocol are expected to form a voting bloc or to exchange information in meetings on the London Protocol. In this sense, it is noteworthy that the London Protocol introduced marine environmental management system for comprehensive prohibition of ocean dumping with exception of the so-called 'reverse-list' which had been earlier adopted by the 'Convention for the Protection of the Marine Environment of the North-East Atlantic, 1992 (OSPAR)' whose contracting parties belonged to Western European and Other States Group. In recent years, the jurisdiction of London Protocol has been extended to protect and preserve the marine environment from all sources of pollution. This will make the United Nations Regional Group System play more important roles in the activities associated with the London Protocol. For this reason, this article has considered characteristics of the United Nations Regional Group System and has analyzed influences of this Regional Group System in meetings on the London Protocol. This could provide preliminary information for the Republic of Korea to give due consideration to the United Nations Regional Group System on the activities associated with the London Protocol.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.13-22
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• 2013

With increase of Korean economy scale and globalization, permanent alien residents in Korea are increasing day by day. Living in Korea, they maintain their original nationalities, but their life in Korea is greatly affected by political decision made by Korea. It has been taken for granted that foreigners's suffrage were not recognized due to national sovereignty. The claim that foreigners should not be allowed to participate in government has constantly been met with counterargument on the basis of instability of sovereignty principle, trends of advanced countries, intrinsic differences between federal and regional governments, or actual state of foreigners. It is unreasonable to deal with foreigners' suffrage and eligibility for election differently in that the current public offices election law does not allow foreigners to be eligible for election without any special reason while allowing foreigners to vote in the local election. It is discrimination against foreigners not to allow foreigners to be eligible for election when there is no rationale to differently deal with foreigners' suffrage and eligibility for election. This paper deals with constitutional argument regarding foreigners' electoral eligibility, takes a look at legislative cases of Japanese and European countries, and examines possibilities of including foreigners' eligibility for election in our public offices election law.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.237-269
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• 2016

Asia-Pacific Space Cooperation Organization (APSCO) is the only intergovernmental space cooperation organization in Asia. Since its establishment to date, eight countries have signed the convention and become member states. South Korea participated actively in the preparatory phase of creating the organization, and one conference organized by AP-MCSTA which is the predecessor of APSCO was held in South Korea. However, after the APSCO Convention was opened for signature in 2005 to date, South Korea does not ratify the Convention and become a member. The rapid development of space commercialization and privatization, as well as the fastest growing commercial space market in Asia, provides opportunities for Asian countries to cooperate with each other in relevant space fields. And to participate in the existing cooperation framework (e.g., the APSCO) by the Asian space countries (e.g., South Korea) could be a proper choice. Even if the essential cooperation in particular space fields is challenging, joint space programs among different Asian countries for dealing with the common events can be initiated at the first steps. Since APSCO has learned the successful legal arrangements from ESA, the legal measures established by its Convention are believed to be qualified to ensure the achievement of benefits of different member states. For example, the regulation of the "fair return" principle confirms that the return of interests from the relevant programs is in proportion to the member's investment in the programs. Moreover, the distinguish of basic and optional activities intends to authorize the freedom of the members to choose programs to participate. And for the voting procedure, the acceptance of the "consensus" by the Council is in favor of protecting the member's interest when making decisions. However, political factors that are potential to block the participation of South Korea in APSCO are difficult to be ignored. A recent event is an announcement of deploying THAAD by South Korea, which causes tension between South Korea and China. The cooperation between these two states in space activities will be influenced. A long-standing barrier is that China acts as a non-member of the main international export control mechanism, i.e., the MTCR. The U.S takes this fact as the main reason to prevent South Korea to cooperate with China in developing space programs. Although the political factors that will block the participation of South Korea in APSCO are not easy to removed shortly, legal measures can be taken to reduce the political influence. More specifically, APSCO is recommended to ensure the achievement of commercial interests of different cooperation programs by regulating precisely the implementation of the "fair return" principle. Furthermore, APSCO is also suggested to contribute to managing the common regional events by sharing satellite data. And it is anticipated that these measures can effectively response the requirements of the rapid development of space commercialization and the increasing common needs of Asia, thereby to provide a platform for the further cooperation. In addition, in order to directly reduce the political influence, two legal measures are necessary to be taken: Firstly, to clarify the rights and responsibilities of the host state (i.e., China) as providing assistance, coordination and services to the management of the Organization to release the worries of the other member states that the host state will control the Organization's activities. And secondly, to illustrate that the cooperation in APSCO is for the non-military purpose (a narrow sense of "peaceful purpose") to reduce the political concerns. Regional cooperation in Asia regarding space affairs is considered to be a general trend in the future, so if the participation of South Korea in APSCO can be finally proved to be feasible, there will be an opportunity to discuss the creation of a comprehensive institutionalized framework for space cooperation in Asia.