• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.99-124
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• 2024

The most essential task that ran through former President Roh Moo-hyun's political career was overcoming regionalism and transformation of the regional party system. After Roh Moo-hyun entered politics and before coming to power, he tried to overcome regionalism with a strategy of directly challenging regionalism by running for office in the Busan region. After winning the 16th presidential election, he sought to overcome regionalism and transforming the party system by proposing a grand coalition to transfer power to the main opposition party on the premise of reforming the electoral system. Roh Moo-hyun's strategy was to enable the two major parties to secure seats in each other's strongholds by introducing a highly proportional electoral system. However Roh Moo-hyun's strategy was not realized due to opposition from inside and outside the party and rejection by the Grand National Party. Roh Moo-hyun's strategy had a path-dependent long-term impact on subsequent Korean politics.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.47 no.5
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• pp.718-734
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• 2012

This study investigates the interference of politics of regional cleavage in the redistricting for national assembly election and its effects on gerrymandering and malapportionment. Since the Constitutional Assembly election, the argument about gerrymandering and malapportionment continues and the single-member election district with simple plurality system in Korea has aggravated the problem of cleavage and unfairness. Especially, redistrictings for national assembly election in 2008 and 2012 are suspected of gerrymandering by Saenuri party and Democratic United party. Yeongnam region where Saenuri party is dominant and Honam region where Democratic United party is, are over-represented compared to population, while the districts in Gyeonggi-do are under-represented and the need for increasing the number of districts has been ignored. These redistrictings might come from unfair and collusive interference of politics of regional cleavage, and consequently malapportionment has been brought about.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2020

Ahead of the 21st Korean National Assembly Election, the congressional election law was revised, and the semi-mixed member proportional system was introduced. The purpose of the revision of the election law was to increase the proportionality and representativeness of the election system through the institutional reform in the direction of promoting a multi-party system. This study shows that the effect of the introduction of the semi-mixed proportional system was compared with the election results when the previous proportional representative system was maintained. There was no significant difference from the results. This study reveals that contrary to the intention of institutional design to revitalize the multi-party system, the two large political parties took the most seats after democratization in 1987, resulting in an unintended consequences. In addition, with regard to the recent argument for party realignment, the Busan, Ulsan, and Gyeongnam regions have been dealigned in the Yeongnam regional cleavage, and are undergoing a process of party realignment. It has not yet entered the stage of realignment, but remains in the stage of fluid dealignment.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.35-68
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• 2021

In the German federal election in 2021, the Social Democrats returned to power by a narrow margin and the Green Party emerged as the biggest winner. The two political parties took the lead by proposing policies that met the expectations of the people in the policies of climate and environment, pandemic response and health, and labor and social security. The Merkel effect did not play a significant role in the election, and it is highly likely that it will lead to government policy after the formation of a coalition. While the class cleavage in voting behavior has weakened, the generational cleavage has grown relatively large. Older people showed more support for the two major parties, while younger people showed higher support for the Green Party and the FDP. If the generational cleavage continues, it can be linked to the growth of the Green Party and the FDP, the continued weakening of the two major parties and the emergence of other new parties. In addition, the regional cleavage between the former East and West Germany still remain, which will affect the direction of the AfD and the Left and combine with other political cleavages. The 2021 German federal election can be said to be an election that heralds the realignment of the political party system.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.1-44
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• 2013

This study examined the constitutional engineering of the Philippine democracy in terms of power sharing and accountability, and the effectiveness and stability of the Philippine democracy as a result were assessed. Based on the analysis, the nature of the present Philippine democratic system since 1986 was brought to light. This study argues that the system of power sharing between the President and the congress in the Philippines tends to serve for negotiating political interests among the power elites rather than functioning in a constructive way. And the public accountability system is not functioning as it was designed to do. Due to the defects the Philippine democracy continuously suffers the lack of political effectiveness and stability. Despite of the problem, the reason not to break down the system would be the fact that the system served for the oligarchic power elites to circulate and recreate the political power exclusively. The direction of the Philippine constitutional engineering should be weakening the present traditional elite dominated political system, and strengthening the chances of political participation from the various classes. Some concerned people suggested the constitutional change to parliamentary system in order to strengthening party politics, and federal system to cope with the problems of regional conflicts, but such efforts failed repeatedly due to the conflict of political interests. Considering the present circumstance, it would be advisable to reform political party law and election system in the direction of strengthening political party system, and to expand the scope of local government system in the direction of devolving the centralized political power.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.176-188
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• 2014

Since the late 1990s, a nationwide movement against dam and river-mouth weir plans in Japan has been promoted with a movement against a river-mouth weir for the Nagara river(長良川). This movement has been a catalyst for institutional frameworks on the central government's dam and river-mouth weir plans. Subsequently, water resource and river management policies have entered a new phase, with provinces governors's participation in "Statements on withdrawal from dam and river-mouth weir" as well as the seizing of power by the Democratic Party. However, problems with dams and river-mouth weirs have been confused due to poor countermeasures from the Democratic Party and to the Liberal Democratic Party(LDP)'s return to power. The fundamental causes on this situation are the non-establishment of fiscal norms for public projects and the rigidity of the water-right allocation system in Jananese policy-making processes. To successfully settle future policy on water resources and rivers, the first priority is to prepare specific institutional frameworks on finance of public projects and to organize a practical policy coordination system among government organizations. These policy tasks provide implications for river and water management policy in Korea.

• The Korean Journal of Franchise Management
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.130-143
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• 2012

Franchise store retailing is taking on ever greater roles in business and commerce in China. The diverse product range, small-batch order, high frequency and time-specific requirements inherent in retail logistics make it the most complicated of all categories of logistics. In franchise store retailing, expanding business scales make trans-regional development a trend. Without a well-functioning logistic system, the standardized delivery of products would be held back, impacting trans-regional development strategy and operational costs. Therefore, the efficiency of franchise store retailing largely depends on logistical efficiency. The integrated and streamlined management of franchise stores depends in large measure on their logistical centers. As such, logistical centers constitute the key link and bears on core competitiveness in franchise store retailing. This thesis begins with an analysis of the current developments and four basic logistical models of franchise store retailing in China, proceeds to summarize developmental trends as well as focal issues and proposes an efficiency enhancing plan.

• Proceedings of the Korean Association for Survey Research Conference
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• 2001.04a
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• pp.37-57
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• 2001

Much effort has been made to measure regional difference showing the pattern of regionalism in Korea. Focusing the concept of social distance, this paper examines various election and regional preference data. The paper presets three major findings. First current election data show clear regional cleavage. Second, regional discrimination and prejudice is often found in one' s everyday life. Third, political aspect of regionalism is strongly related to social aspect of regionalism. These findings suggest that regionalism in Korea will survive for the time being. The regionalism is rooted in everyday life. To political elites, it became an attractive and economic way to maintain their power. This tendency will promote the preference for parliamentary system among political elites and the possibility of appearance of regional party.

• Survey Research
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.37-57
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• 2001

Much effort has been made to measure regional difference showing the pattern of regionalism in Korea. Focusing the concept of social distance. this paper examines various election and regional preference data. The paper presets three major findings. First. current election data show clear regional cleavage. Second. regional discrimination and prejudice is often found in one's everyday life. Third, political aspect of regionalism is strongly related to social aspect of regionalism. These findings suggest that regionalism in Korea will survive for the time being. The regionalism is rooted in everyday life . To political elites. it became an attractive and economic way to maintain their power. This tendency will promote the preference for parliamentary system among political elites and the possibility of appearance of regional party

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.207-231
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effect of the intergovernment relationship on the local government's social welfare expenditure. The data of 230 local governments from 2003 to 2008 were analyzed with the PCSE(Panel Corrected Standard Errors) Model of Beck and Kats. The results were as follow. First, financial transfer from the higher governments increase the social welfare expenditure of the local governments. Second, the party structure, that is the political relationships among local, regional, and central governments, affect the social welfare expenditure of the local governments. Third, the local governments compete each other to expand the social welfare expenditure in Korea. These results suggest that the relationship of local governments with the higher ones as well as the community factors is important in Korea, where the centralization is still strong in the local autonomy system, to understand the development of social welfare.