• Publications of The Korean Astronomical Society
• /
• v.36 no.3
• /
• pp.65-78
• /
• 2021

Jagyeokru, an automatic striking water clock described in the Sejong Sillok (Veritable Records of King Sejong) is essentially composed of a water quantity control device and a time-signal device, with the former controlling the amount or the flow rate of water and the latter automatically informing the time based on the former. What connects these two parts is a signal generating device or a power transmission device called the 'Jujeon' system, which includes a copper rod on the float and ball-racked scheduled plates. The copper products excavated under Gongpyeong-dong in Seoul include a lot of broken plate pieces and cylinder-like devices. If some plate pieces are put together, a large square plate with circular holes located in a zigzag can be completed, and at the upper right of it is carved 'the first scheduled plate (一箭).' Cylinder-like devices generally 3.8 cm in diameter are able to release a ball, and have a ginkgo leaf-like screen fixed on the inner axis and a bird-shaped hook of which the leg fixes another axis and the beak attaches to the leaf side. The lateral view of this cylinder-like device appears like a trapezoid and mounts an iron ball. The function of releasing a ball agrees with the description of Borugak Pavilion, where Jagyeokru was installed, written by Kim Don (1385 ~ 1440). The other accounts of Borugak Pavilion's and Heumgyeonggak Pavilion's water clocks describe these copper plates and ball releasing devices as the 'Jujeon' system. According to the description of Borugak Pavilion, a square wooden column has copper plates on the left and right sides the same height as the column, and the left copper plate has 12 drilled holes to keep the time of a 12 double-hours. Meanwhile, the right plate has 25 holes which represent seasonal night 5-hours (Kyeong) and their 5-subhours (Jeom), not 12 hours. There are 11 scheduled plates for seasonal night 5-hours made with copper, which are made to be attached or detached as the season. In accordance with Nujutongui (manual for the operation of the yardstick for the clepsydra), the first scheduled plate for the night is used from the winter solstice (冬至) to 2 days after Daehan (大寒), and from 4 days before Soseol (小雪) to a day before the winter solstice. Besides the first scheduled plate, we confirm discovering a third scheduled plate and a sixth scheduled plate among the excavated copper materials based on the spacing between holes. On the other hand, the width of the scheduled plate is different for these artifacts, measured as 144 mm compared to the description of the Borugak Pavilion, which is recorded as 51 mm. From this perspective, they may be the scheduled plates for the Heumgyeonggak Ongru made in 1438 (or 1554) or for the new Fortress Pavilion installed in Changdeokgung palace completed in 1536 (the 31^st year of the reign of King Jungjong) in the early Joseon dynasty. This study presents the concept of the scheduled plates described in the literature, including their new operating mechanism. In addition, a detailed model of 11 scheduled plates is designed from the records and on the excavated relics. It is expected that this study will aid in efforts to restore and reconstruct the automatic water clocks of the early Joseon dynasty.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.36
• /
• pp.137-167
• /
• 2018

As Gwangju Gwonbeon(meaning of a gisaeng call-office) was representative Gwonbeon in Honam area, it educated gugak(Korean traditional music) from the period of Japanese occupation to 1951, the year of foundation of Gwangju gugak center. As Gwangju Gwonbeon's later self, Gwangju gugak center was also an institution that local influentials interested in the education of gugak of Gwangju region cooperated and built. Therefore, Gwangju Gwonbeon should be considered when premodern and modern history of gugak in Gwangju is mentioned. However, the studies of Gwangju Gwonbeon as well as related studies are still thin. Previous researches related to Gwangju Gwonbeon are mostly focused on the operation and dance of Gwonbeon. However, Gwangju was a region where Pansori was invigorated. According to "Joseonmiinbogam", a record of gisaeng(Korean geisha) in 1918, gisaengs of Gwangju Gwonbeon were specialized in Pansori as compared with those of other regions. In addition, today, there are many master singers of Pansori heard by people, among persons who were educated and a lecturer in Gwangju Gwonbeon; therefore, their oral statement is important materials for understanding transmission of Pansori in Gwangju. Nevertheless, the relationship between Gwangju Gwonbeon and Pansori was not studied yet. Especially, oral statement of master singers of Pansori related to Gwangju Gwonbeon was collected partly, as a result, it is not recognized as valuable research materials. Foundation of Gwangju Gwonbeon and Gwangju gugak center became an important basis for education of Pansori as early private institute educating Korean classical musicians in Gwangju. And it is also meaningful as the trigger that gugak in Gwangju was begun in earnest. Therefore, the purpose of this study is reconstruct activities of master singers who worked in Gwangju Gwonbeon and Gwangju gugak center and is to examine transmission and value of Pansori in Gwangju from the period of Japanese occupation to 1973, collecting oral statement of master singers related to Gwangju Gwonbeon. Finally, this study might be helpful for expanding the interest in Pansori and activating related studies.

• 한국사회정책
• /
• v.25 no.3
• /
• pp.37-71
• /
• 2018

Since 2016, public and political interest on basic income has been increased beyond academic interest. The recent debate on basic income has expanded on issues regarding to the concrete implementation of basic income moving further than the debate on conception of the basic income in the abstract level. This study examines major critiques of basic income which was raised from social policy area and makes a counter-argument on these critiques. Major points summarized as follows. First, the problem of jobs and social insurance exclusion is not serious enough to call for basic income. Second, existing social security systems will be crowded out by excessive financial burden if basic income is introduced. Third, policies to cultivate citizens' capacities to cope with a technological change should be given priority over basic income. This study disputes these critiques by counter arguing four points. First, it is necessary to reconstruct welfare state based on basic income, given the labor market changes, such as long-term trend of employment change, newly emerging employment of platform companies, and inconsistency of platform labor and social insurance. Second, hypothesis of crowding-out effect on social security system is just a criticism that can be applied to the basic income initiative of the right-wing. Also, it is unable to find a logical basis or evidence of this hypothesis from the historical process of welfare state development or previous studies. Third, it is necessary to discuss how to reconfigure existing social security system and basic income which are complementary to each other and also have consistency with labor market as a configuration, not as a matter of choosing between basic income and social security system. Fourth, de-laborization does not mean a refusal to labor but a free choice, and the basic principle of social security is not needs but right. In conclusion, in order to develop more productive debate on basic income, it requires more sophisticated discussion and criticism from the point of view of the distributive justice; the debate on the sustainability of social insurance-centered welfare states; and debates on the political realization of basic income.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.126
• /
• pp.109-132
• /
• 2013

The most important vocabulary in Advaita $Ved{\bar{a}}nta$, which is anthropology and soteriology on the self, is of course '${\bar{a}}tman$' or 'the self', to which '$an{\bar{a}}tman$' or 'the other' is in opposition. As $Ved{\bar{a}}ntic$ system revolves around the concept ${\bar{a}}tman$, it can be compared favorably with 'final vocabulary' of Richard Rorty. Moreover, $Ved{\bar{a}}ntic$ system can be termed as 'a return of self-identity', in which a process of returning is from a deceived self to the true and original self. After all, story of '$an{\bar{a}}tman$' or 'the other' in $Ved{\bar{a}}nta$ seems to have no significance at all. However, discourse about the other can also lead a something fruitful. There are such doctrines in $Ved{\bar{a}}nta$ that support a procedure of self-realization not according to the Hegelian dialectic but to the transposition and continuous antagonism between the self and the other, as a special meaning of viveka (discrimination) that fixes a boundary between the self and the other, a destruction of falsehood that is more important than establishment of truthfulness, a transposition of the true and the false before and after self-realization. Thus the other is not disappeared but only hidden, even after accomplishing its own methodological role, and the same is with discourse about the other. To revive forgotten vocabulary in $Ved{\bar{a}}nta$ is an attempt to reconstruct devaluated story by means of shifting the pivot of discourse from the self to the other. The essential thing in this attempt may be to revive the conceptions of 'effort' that is intently concealed and of 'self-inquiry' that has lost its true meaning. Out of these, a systematic and continuous self-inquiry, consists in having a scenario on the question 'Who am I?' and utilizing that scenario by experience without interruption. A work of reconstructing the lost narratives in $Ved{\bar{a}}nta$ can be feasible only when the history of self-inquiry is redescribed in the system itself, provided that object of inquiry is not 'a self as the self' but 'a self as the other'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.52 no.1
• /
• pp.216-241
• /
• 2019

There are 35 cultural properties of fourteen kinds in the Demilitarized Zone known so far, but this number is expected to increase in the future. Among them, Cheolwon-Doseong and Jeongol-Chong of Gimhwa should be the first step toward conservation efforts by conducting a joint investigation through the collaboration of North and South Korea. In particular, the joint investigation of Cheolwon-Doseong will not only remind the North and South that they are the same people who have had common history and cultural traditions for a long time, but will also give symbolic meaning to convert the demilitarized zone into a stage for peace. Since Jeongol-Chong is a mass grave of the fallen soldiers of Pyeongan Province who fought against the invasion of the Qing of China, it should be managed as a national designated cultural asset through joint investigation. In addition, the Demilitarized Zone should become a World Heritage Site because of its importance to the legacy of the Korean War, an international war caused by an ideological confrontation. Furthermore, it has more than 6,000 kinds of temperate forests in addition to 100 species of endangered species and natural monuments. The DMZ is very qualified to be a World Natural Heritage Site, and should be included as a World Complex Cultural Heritage Site that qualifies as a World Heritage and World Natural Heritage Site. In the Demilitarized Zone, we can also find numerous highlands, tunnels and posts used during the Korean War, as well as surveillance posts, a military demarcation line, barbed wire fences, and Panmunjom, which were created by the armistice agreement. it would be desirable to select some of its sections and war facilities and to register them as modern cultural heritage assets. Finally, it is necessary to reconstruct the Dorasan Signal Fire Site, which was the communication facility of a traditional era which connected the South (Dorasan) and North (Gaesong). This would symbolize smooth communication between the two Koreas. In order to prepare for the reckless development of the Demilitarized Zone due to the upcoming cease-fire, the government and cultural asset experts will have to work hard to identify and preserve the cultural properties of the Demilitarized Zone, and they will also have to maintain consistent control over matters such as indiscriminate investigation and mine clearance.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.37 no.2
• /
• pp.20-29
• /
• 2019

The purpose of this study is to verify and reconstruct the record information for big old trees of Jeju on the basis of the precise map of Jeju island in 1918 which was produced 100 years ago. For the analysis of high altitude, coordinate system and georeferencing were performed by selecting representative points using ArcGIS. We extracted digitized information by using point extraction method and extracted attribute information based on legend type and relative size in map. Based on the map of the past 100 years ago, the present situation of the big old tree in Jeju was analyzed and their characteristics were analyzed. In addition, based on the information of the protected big old trees in present, we discussed the characteristics of past tree (1918), present tree (2019), and contribution of big old tree in Jeju landscape and vegetation. As a result, 1,013 individuals were distributed in Jeju Island 100 years ago. Even when it was intensive in the use of timber, the big old trees were protected, and contributed as a representative component of Jeju's unique landscape. The remaining distribution of Jeju's big old tree is 159 trees. As in the past, distribution has been confirmed around the lowlands, but declines in numbers are found throughout the island. The major factors for the decline of individuals are large-scale development projects such as reaching the limit of life, natural disturbance (typhoon, disease, pest, drought, etc.). However, it is presumed that a large number of individuals have played a leading role in shaping the current forests as contributing to important species sources in the restoration process of Jeju vegetation. However, it is presumed that a large number of individuals (405) have played a leading role in forming the present forest by contributing to the species pool in the restoration process of Jeju vegetation.

• Korean Journal of Plant Taxonomy
• /
• v.48 no.4
• /
• pp.249-259
• /
• 2018

$Iso{\ddot{e}}tes$ L. ($Iso{\ddot{e}}taceae$) is a cosmopolitan genus of heterosporous lycopods containing ca. 200 species being found in lakes, streams, and wetlands of terrestrial habitats. Despite its ancient origin, worldwide distribution, and adaptation to diverse environment, species in $Iso{\ddot{e}}tes$ show remarkable morphological simplicity and convergence. Allopolyploidy appears to be a significant speciation process in the genus. These characteristics have made it difficult to assess the phylogenetic relationships and biogeographic history of $Iso{\ddot{e}}tes$ species. In recent years, these difficulties have somewhat been reduced by employing multiple molecular markers. Here, we reconstruct the phylogenetic relationships in East Asian $Iso{\ddot{e}}tes$ species. We also provide their divergence time and biogeographic origin using a fossil calibrated chronogram. East Asian $Iso{\ddot{e}}tes$ species are divided into two clades: I. asiatica and the remaining species. $Iso{\ddot{e}}tes$ asiatica from Hokkaido forms a clade with northeastern Russian and western North American $Iso{\ddot{e}}tes$ species. In clade I, western North America is the source area for the dispersal of $Iso{\ddot{e}}tes$ to Hokkaido and northeastern Russia via the Bering land bridge during the late Miocene. The remaining $Iso{\ddot{e}}tes$ species (I. sinensis, I. yunguiensis, I. hypsophila, I. orientalis, I. japonica, I. coreana, I. taiwanensis, I. jejuensis, I. hallasanensis) from East Asia form a sister group to Papua New Guinean and Australian species. The biogeographic reconstruction suggests an Australian origin for the East Asian species that arose through long-distance dispersal during the late Oligocene.

• Journal of the Mineralogical Society of Korea
• /
• v.31 no.4
• /
• pp.307-323
• /
• 2018

The Inseong Au-Ag and base metal deposit, located in Chungchengbuk-do, Korea, consists of series of quartz veins filling fissures. The deposit occurs in Hwanggangri meta-sediment formation, a lime pebble-bearing phyllite, in the Okcheon Supergroup. Abundant ore minerals in the deposit are pyrite, arsenopyrite, sphalerite, chalcopyrite and galena. The gangue minerals are quartz, calcite and chlorite. Hydrothermal alteration such as chlorization, silicitication, sericitization and carbonitization can be observed around the quartz veins. 4 vein stages can be distinguished based on its paragenetic sequence, vein structure, alteration features and ore minerals. Microthermometry of the fluid inclusion assemblages occur in the veins are conducted to reconstruct a hydrothermal P-T evolution. Fluid inclusions in clean and barren quartz vein in stage 1 have Th of $270{\sim}342^{\circ}C$ and salinity of 1.7~6.4 (NaCl eqiv.) wt%. Euhedral quartz crystal in stage 2 have Th of $108{\sim}350^{\circ}C$ and salinity of 0.5~7.5 wt%. Barren milky quartz vein in stage 3 have Th of $174{\sim}380^{\circ}C$ and salinity of 0.8~7.5 wt%. Calcite vein in stage 4 have Th of $103{\sim}265^{\circ}C$ and salinity of 0.7~6.4 wt%. Calculated paleodepth about 0.5~1.5 km (hydrostatic pressure) indicate epithermal ore-forming condition. Shallow depth but relatively high-T hydrothermal fluids possibly create a steep geothermal gradient, sufficient for base metal precipitation in the Inseong deposit.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.45 no.3
• /
• pp.114-159
• /
• 2012

The Northern Song Dynasty Period (北宋時代) was a drastic transitional era in all aspect of Chinese society including the politico-economic system, ideology and cultural trait. These changes that began in the late Tang (唐) Dynasty Period accomplished in the Northern Song Dynasty. In this phase, the fundamental change influenced in all institutional area; and among them, the capital city planning and its associating building technology to pile stone walls shows one of the significant change of those time. Based on the geographical factor, confluences of many rivers, the Kaifeing (開封) area where the BianLieng palace had developed as a political and economical centre since the Tang Dynasty when the Grand Canal was constructed. According to archaeological researches, the central city structure of Dongjing Walled Town was begun to plan in the late Tang Dynasty and formed in Five Dynasties. The fundamental functional change of city completed in the Midnorthern Song Dynasty. In spite of the relatively late beginning of archaeological investigations to Kaifeng Walled Town and Dongjing Walled Town due to unfavourable natural environment, excavations inaugurated since 1981 have achieved the significant investigations including the actual measurement and excavation to the outer wall, the preliminary excavation to the inner city area, the investigation and excavation to the royal palace of Song and the survey to the royal palace of King Zho in the Ming (明) Dynasty. These surveys have provide important data to reconstruct the 변량 palace, and elucidate the characteristics of city plan in the Dongjing Walled Town and the institutional change of capital city plan of the Northern Song Dynasty. The basic layout of Dongjing Walled Town reflect the realisation of ideality of the late Chinese medieval capital city structure that establish the commercial and economic centre based on the intensification of emperor's power by means of the organisation of ethical institution and the development of commercial economy. Firstly, the central place of the Kaifeng area is encircled with triple walls. This emphasise the authority of emperor located on the summit in the hierarchical ethic system succeeding to the main capital city plan of the late phase of ancient China. Secondly, the location of Dongjing Walled Town was decided by the transport network and the commercial function and defence function. Thirdly, this site shows the change of city structure and landscape of the Northern Song Dynasty. The closed Fengri (坊里: block) system transferred the open Jiexiang (街巷: road) system. Fourthly, the capital city was characterised by the free market trade and the diversification of market place. Fifthly, a convenient transport network in the Bian River, a centre of the Grand Canals, enabled to construct the Kaifeng Walled Town. Therefore, the Northern Song Dynasty continuously accomplished the developed water system as concerning about the utilisation of waterways after the construction of city.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.36
• /
• pp.5-38
• /
• 2003

The history of Baekje Kingdom, one of the Three kingdoms, is divided into three periods to the change of sociopolitical center, including its capital as follows: Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475), Ungjin Period (AD 475~538), and Sabi Period (AD 538~660). Though the Hanseong Period of Baekje Kingdom covers more than two thirds of the whole history of Baekje Kingdom (493 years), history and archaeological culture of the Hanseong Period is still unclear and even ambiguous comparing to the Ungjin and Sabi periods. Most of all, it is because of quite limited historical records and archaeological data available. In addition, negative attitude of the Korean academic circles to the early records of Samguksaki(三國史記) has been a critical obstacle to the study of early history of the Three kingdoms, including the Hanseong Period of Baekje kingdom. Author, who has attempted to combine historical records and archaeological data in order to reconstruct the history and archaeological culture of the early Baekje, specifically the Hanseong Period, has held positive attitude to the early records of the Samguksaki as far as possible. He(Author) came to realize that comprehensive understanding of Mahan (馬韓) society, one of the Three Han (三韓) Society was more than essential in the study of Baekje. According to historical records and archaeological data, Mahan Society represented by Mojiguk(目支國) ruled by King Jin(辰王) has been located in the middle and/or southwestern parts of the Korean peninsula from the 3rd~2nd century BC through the end of the 5th century or early 6th century AD. Mahan already occupied central portion of the Korean Peninsula, including the Han River Valley when King Onjo(溫祖王) first set up the capital of Baekje Kingdom at Wiryeseong (慰 禮城) considered to be modern Jungrang~Songpa-gu area of Han River Valley. From the beginning of the Baekje history, there had been quite close interrelationships between Baekje and Mahan, and the interrelationships had lasted for around 500 years. In other words, it is impossible to attempt to understand and study Hanseong period of Baekje, without considering the historical and archaeological identity of Mahan. According to the Samguksaki, Baekje moved its capital three times during the Hanseong Period (18 BC ~ AD 475) within the Han River Valley as follows: Wiryeseong at Jungrang-gu area of the Han River (河北慰禮城, 18 ~ 5 BC), Wiryeseong at Songpa-gu area of the Han River(河南慰禮城, 5 BC ~ AD 371), Hansan at Iseongsan fortress site(Historical site No. 422, 漢山, AD 371~391), and Hanseong at Chungung-dong of Hanam city(漢城, AD 391~475). Before 1990s, archaeological data of the Hanseong Period was quite limited, and archaeological culture of Mahan was not well defined. Only a few burial and fortress sites were reported to be archaeological remains of the early Baekje, and a few settlement and jar burial sites were assumed to be those of Mahan without clear definition of the Mahan Culture. Since 1990s, fortunately, a number of new archaeological sites of Hanseong Baekje and Mahan have been reported and investigated. Thanks to the new discoveries, there has been significant progress in the study of early Baekje and Mahan. In particular, a number of excavations of Pungnap-dong Fortress site(Historical site NO. 11, 1996~2003), considered to be the Wiryeseong at south of the Han River, the second capital of the Hanseong Baekje, provided critical archaeological evidence in the study of Hanseong Period of Baekje. Since the end of the 1990s, a number of sites have been reported in Gyeonggi, Chungcheong, and Jeolla provinces, as well. From these sites, archaeological features and artifacts representing distinctive cultural tradition of Mahan have been identified such as unstamped fortresses, pit houses cut into the rock, houses with lifted floor(掘立柱 건물), and potteries decorated with toothed wheel and bird's footprint designs. These cultural traditions reflected in the archaeological remains played a critical role to define and understand archaeological identity of the Mahan society. Moreover, archaeological data from these new sites reported in the middle and southwestern parts of the Korean Peninsular made it possible to postulate a hypothesis that the history of Mahan could be divided into three periods to the change of its sociopolitical center in relation with the Baekje Kingdom's political Situation as follows: Cheonan (天安) Period, Iksan(益山) Period, and Naju(羅州) Period. The change of Mahan's sociopolitical center is closely related to the sociopolitical expansion of the Hanseong Baekje.