• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.35-52
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• 2023

Korea has developed as an influential country over Asia and all over the world based on remarkable economic development. And the background of this development was possible due to the existence of those who sacrificed precious lives and contributed to the nation's existence in the past crisis. Every year, Korea holds an annual commemorative event with people of national merit, Korean War veterans, and their families, expressing gratitude for sacrifices and contributions at home and abroad, and providing economic support. The tragedy of the Korean War and the pro-democracy movement in Korea over the past half century will one day become a history of the distant past over time. As generations change and the purpose and method of exchange by region change, the tragic situation that occurred earlier and the way people sacrificed for the country are expected to be different from before. In particular, it is true that the number of Korean War veterans and their families is gradually decreasing as they are now old. In addition, due to the outbreak of global infectious diseases such as COVID-19, it is difficult to plan and conduct face to face events as well as before. Currently, Korea's digital technology is introducing various methods. 5G communication networks, smart-phones, tablet PCs, and smart devices that can experience virtual reality are already used in our real lives. Business meetings are held in a metaverse environment, and concerts by famous singers are held in an online environment. Artificial intelligence technology has also been introduced in the field of human resource recruitment and customer response services, improving the work efficiency of companies. And it seems that this technology can be used in the field of veterans. In particular, there is a metaverse technology that can vividly show the situation during the Korean War, and a way to digitalize the voices and facial expressions of currently surviving veterans to convey their memories and lessons to future generations in the long run. If this digital technology method is realized on an online platform to hold a veterans' celebration event, veterans and their families on the other side of the world will be able to participate in the event more conveniently.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.7-25
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• 2013

For the Palestinians, what is the impact of the Arab Spring? The revolution not only dislodged Mubarak from the presidency, but also changed Egyptian policy regarding Palestinians in Gaza. New Egyptian diplomacy has encouraged Hamas and Fatah, which had been in dispute, to seek reconciliation and has loosened the border control on humanitarian grounds. We focus on Palestinian voting attitudes in the wake of the Arab Spring. Despite the vast quantity of literature written about Palestinian politics since the first decade of the millennium, we know little about the determinants of Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. The Fatah government, in the West Bank, increased in popularity after submitting a request for UN recognition of Palestinian statehood. In Gaza, the Hamas government lost popularity because of mismanagement but won support through the success of its prisoner swap deal with Israel. However, evaluation of the ruling party does not depend only on one-time events. This research attempts to measure the impact of policy change in Gaza after the Arab Spring. We provide an account of our research on Palestinian attitudes toward the divided governments based on two sets of the original survey data conducted in May 2009 and June 2012. The paper sheds light on Palestinian attitudes and makes clear the effects of "democratization" in the Middle East and the effects of regional context factors on the occupied Palestinians.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.44-72
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• 2021

This study analyses North and South Koreas' coverage as framed by the main Polish press titles from 1989 to 2019. The main method applied is a computational textual analysis of press articles based on frequency, correlations and co-occurrences. The purpose is to map the topics of the examined articles in the context of relations between Poland and the two Koreas in various areas, predominantly political and economic relations. Emphasis is placed on the impact the carmaker Daewoo's investment in Poland in the mid-1990s had on bilateral Polish-South Korean relations. First, the authors argue that Korean issues in the Polish press, mainly in the second half of the 1990s, particularly concerned economic affairs. Secondly, they argue that after Poland's accession to the European Union in 2004, the country's interest in the two Koreas decreased, and since that time has remained at a more or less constant level. Finally, the authors discuss the outcome of the research in the context of the main developments in Polish-Korean relations, taking into consideration the results of a Polish public opinion survey presenting the international linkages between national public opinion and foreign policy.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.31 no.5
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• pp.21-34
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• 2022

This study investigated the maintenance and management of government office building in Dongnaebu, Gyeongsangdo in the mid-19th century. In the late Joseon Dynasty, Dongraebu was an important point of national defense and a place of trade and diplomacy with Japan, so it had many government facilities. There are very few government facilities remaining today, and no structure remains. Therefore, it is possible to grasp information about the government facilities through the old materials. Currently, there are public documents related to the local government offices such as Eupji, Eupsarye, and Junggi. Through comparison between public documents, we will examine the maintenance and management of Dongnaebu government facilities in the mid-19th century. As a result of the research, Dongnaebu government facilities were supervised by department and managed like articles. In addition, the name, size, and changes were all recorded in the management of the goods, and the authority of responsibility was clearly stated. This result is because the remaining material has the purpose of preparation as an accounting book. As a result, it was found that the government facilities in the late Joseon Dynasty were managed by a systematic department with clear authority.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.78
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• pp.206-242
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• 2016

This study dealt with the U.S. government's book translation project as a part of its public diplomacy to gain the Korean people's 'minds and thoughts' in the midst of cultural Cold War from the end of World War II to the late 1950s. It was found that the U.S. book translation project was begun during the U.S. military occupation of South Korea, though with minimum efforts, and reached its peak in the late 1950s, In general, the purposes of the U.S. book translation project in South Korea was as follows: to emphasize the supremacy of American political and economic systems; to criticize the irrationality of communism and conflicts in the communist societies; to increase the Korean people's understanding of the U.S. foreign policies; to publicize the achievement of the U.S. people in the areas of arts, literature, and sciences. In the selection of books for translation, any ones were excluded which might contradict to U.S. foreign policy or impair U.S. images abroad. It must be noted that publications of a few Korean writers' books were supported by the project, if they were thought to be in service for its purposes. Even some Japanese books, which were produced by the U.S. book translation project in Japan, were utilized for the best effects of the project in South Korea. It may be conceded that the U.S. book translation project contributed a little bit to the compensation for the dearth of knowledge and information in South Korea at that time. However, the project may have distorted the Korean people's perspectives toward the U.S. and world, owing to the book selection in accordance with the U.S. government's policy guidance.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.47-58
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• 2011

As China's international status is more and more uplifted, the active shaping and effective propagation of China's national image has been regarded as an important means to demonstrate China's soft power, demolish the so-called "China Threat Theory", and compete for China's share in international discourse power. This article first makes a discussion on the fundamental concepts and related theories of national image, and then explores the precise positioning of China's image as "a responsible power" and the connotation that should be contained in this image. Finally, this article presents a tactic of "complex propagation" for the shaping of China's national image, which includes the propagation by new media and advertisement, the marketing of international sport games and other international events, public diplomacy and public relations tactics.

• Journal of Environmental Health Sciences
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.226-233
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• 2011

Exactly 25 years after the Chernobyl nuclear disaster, 11th of March 2011 the Fukushima nuclear accident occurred in Japan and was ranked at level 7 same to the Chernobyl. A Korean and Japanese joint civil survey was conducted around Fukushima on April 13-17. The radiation survey data clearly shows a large hotspot area between 20 km and 50 km radius north and west direction from the accident reactors, with the highest radiation recorded being 55.64 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in the air, 99.89 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in the surface air, and 36.16 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in a car, respectively. 3.65 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in the air and 6.89 ${\mu}Sv/hr$ in the surface air were detected at the playground of an elementary school in Fukushima City. Spring came with full cherry blossoms in Fukushima, but it was silent spring of radiation contamination. Interviews with Fukushima nuclear refugees reveal serious problems about Japanese nuclear safety systems, such as there was no practical evacuation drill within 1-10 km and no plan at all for 10-30 km areas. Several reforms items for Korean nuclear safety system can be suggested: minimization of accident damage, clear separation of regulatory and safety bureaus with a new and independent administrating agency, community participation and agreement regarding the safety system and levels, which is the major concern of 80% Korean. To tackle threats of nuclear disaster in neighboring nations like China, a new position entitled 'Ambassador for nuclear safety diplomacy' is highly necessary. The nuclear safety of Korea should no longer be the monopoly of those nuclear engineers and limited technocrats criticized as a 'nuclear mafia'.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.42
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• pp.205-248
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• 2008

There emerges a growing concern about South Korea's intellectual dependence on U.S. financial news media. However, those media's inherent relationship with national economic and financial interests has been poorly addressed. This paper thus attempts to identify such a strategic partnership between media and the government by analysing news coverages over four critical arena interwoven with U.S. dollar based financial system. For this purpose, total 152 news articles about Asia crisis, Asian Monetary Fund, Malaysia currency crisis and the new international financial architecture have been examined in terms of frame, attitude, cue-givers and discursive strategies. Research results indicate that not only have the media actively deferred to government leadership bur they have also acted as public diplomats in way of not hampering journalistic credibility. Hence, it is claimed that Korean society needs to formulate a model of media's strategic partnership with government at least in foreign policy arena, as well as to launch discursive strategies against nation-bound global news media.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.165-179
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• 2020

This study critically examines and conceptually discuss the new theoretical trend of nation branding strategies and explores implications for Korean nation branding policy. Korea is known to be one of the countries who has competitively invested governmental efforts on nation branding. However, over the past two decades, while interactive academic discussions on nation brand were taking place and expanding in various fields and areas, related Korean literature did not pay much attention to increasing its conceptual understanding and development. Instead, studies on nation branding in the Korean context remained its focus on instrumental and economic aspects, leaving the theoretical discussion stagnant. In the Korean context, there was a tendency to regard nation branding as one of the political tools for national public and means for a short-term image marketing towards the foreign audience. To solve the undervaluation of Korea's nation brand and enhance its public image, there must be a revisit to its conceptual discussion. This study reviews various theoretical perspectives and paradigms on recent trends of nation branding, and re-conceptualize nation branding as the continuous interactive relations among 'national identity'-'nation brand'-'nation image'. In particular, by discussing the 'relationship building' approach, which is the latest suggested theoretical idea that well suits the networked era, this study suggests policy implications for Korea's future-oriented nation branding.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.47-60
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• 2012

Sino-Japanese relations suffered a great setback during the premiership of Koizumi $Jun'ichir{\bar{o}}$ (2001-2006). Although many factors, such as dispute over the resources of the East China Sea or Japan's anxiety about China's growing military expenditures, are accountable for this situation, it was Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine that became a symbol of the controversies between the two countries. The Yasukuni issue triggered a real eruption of profound anti-Japanese feelings among the Chinese people. While commentators in China accused Koizumi of glorifying militarism and whitewashing the atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers during the Second World War, the Japanese public started perceiving China's "exaggerated" reaction as a convenient diplomatic tool used by China to apply pressure on Japan in other bilateral disputes. On the one hand, spontaneous protests against Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine constituted a great constraint in China's diplomacy towards Japan, but on the other, they also became an ideal pretext for adopting a tougher stance in Chinese foreign policy. In this paper, I examine different points of view on the Yasukuni issue. After describing the Japanese background of the visits to the controversial shrine, I analyze various interpretations of China's reaction to the problem. Although emotions dominated discourse on the Yasukuni issue both in Japan and China, some pragmatic attempts to use this problem can still be seen. Besides being a side-effect of Koizumi's strong personality, the Yasukuni issue could be used either as a tool of factional struggle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or as an instrument of Chinese foreign policy towards Japan.