• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.1-18
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• 2016

This study analyzed the reports of Korean and Chinese newspapers on the foundation of AIIB from the viewpoint of public diplomacy. The results showed that Chinese newspapers reported the government's statements and opinions and played as a means of conforming to the purposes of public diplomacy. Chinese newspapers employed the media paradigm of Instrumentalism among three paradigms of public diplomacy, which was due to ownership structure of the press. In the case of Korean Newspapers, they adopted paradigms of culturalism and professionalism. However, they verged to culturalism in terms of lack of discourse struggle due to few in-depth reports of the effects of national economy of AIIB.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.80-110
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• 2021

Public diplomacy (PD) scholars tend to consider two main principals: the country or agent that conducts PD (Actor A), and target groups in the host country in which PD is conducted (Actor B). The field currently lacks theories of how communications between Actors A and B can be disrupted by a third party, such as a group of motivated trolls, an organised advocacy group, or a hostile country and its agents. The purpose of this article is to outline some theoretical considerations for how the PD research field might move away from a two-actor model of PD to one in which disruption is part of the discussion. The case study explores the activities of an interest group called Media Watchdogs of Sweden (MEWAS). MEWAS was a group of around 200 members who met in a hidden Facebook group to coordinate off-platform activities aimed at influencing perceptions of how the Swedish government handled the COVID-19 pandemic in the eyes of foreign governments, researchers, decision-makers, and media. Much critical news coverage in the international press has been linked to this group. Unpacking some of MEWAS' activities, which can be considered a quite typical mixture of legitimate and illegitimate communication techniques used by activist groups, can help to shed light on some difficult questions regarding disruption in PD.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2021

With regard to the recent developments in public diplomacy, the increasing fusion of strategic communication appears necessary. China engages in public diplomacy with a strategic purpose to shape its national image abroad. Hosting diplomatic advocacy event is regarded as an instrument with expectations to present reliable and responsible image and promote international collaborations. The present research focuses on the Belt and Road Forum (BRF) in May 2017 with the objective to analyze its outcomes and influence on the international news agenda, news frames, and foreign citizens' comments online. The quantitative content analyses are used to compare the media reports (N=364) and Facebook users' comments on the selected news (N=957) between the US and Pakistan. Results reveal that Pakistani media provided more diverse frames and attributed more positive evaluations to the BRF than the US media. However, Facebook comments expressed more unfavorable opinions toward the BRF and China's image with rare differences between two countries. In conclusion, the BRF has served as an eye-catching advocacy of Chinese foreign policy, as it influenced the news agenda in two selected countries. However, news frames vary due to the differences in media system and the involvement in the BRF. China's public diplomacy practices follow a traditional top-down communication which needs meticulous subdivision of target stakeholders, delicate messaging strategies, and integrated tactics.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.7
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• pp.169-184
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• 2020

This paper analyzes the implications of the change in the way China conducts public diplomacy, through an in-depth study of international education programs promoted under China's public diplomacy strategy. The leadership of Xi Jinping is now trying for China to become the top power in the world, not just a G2 country, based on China's economic growth over the past 40 years. Also, as a vision for the goal, the leadership is presenting the dream of the great revival of the Chinese nation. Currently, the international education program promoted at the level of public diplomacy in China is operated in an active, mid- to long-term manner within the national strategy, away from the past passive and responsive method. In other words, while China's past international education program was a passive model for dispelling the "Chinese Threat Theory," China's current international education program is evolving into an active model that can promote the "Chinese" order in the world.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.19 no.6
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• pp.1-10
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• 2021

This study sought ways to strengthen the competitiveness of local governments using public diplomacy, especially in Chungcheongbuk-do, at a time when it is urgent to revitalize the local economy by attracting investment from domestic and foreign companies due to changes in the global supply chain. The main issues that have recently emerged in the global business environment include strengthening the localization of the global value chain, diversifying reshoring and supply chains, and creating an efficient global value chain through digital transformation. Therefore, this study emphasized the necessity of a strategy for public diplomacy based on these changes, and derived the response conditions and detailed strategies of Chungcheongbuk-do through SWOT analysis. In addition, based on the ABCD model, we set up a Chungbuk-type public diplomacy strategy and suggested strategic implications for upgrading Chungbuk's competitiveness.

• STI Policy Review
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.85-110
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• 2015

Science and technology diplomacy has become an important policy agenda because of its diplomatic utility and enhancing of international science networks. However, different countries possess different objectives and governance of S&T diplomacy. In this context, this paper seeks to answer the following questions: what are the similarities and differences of S&T diplomacy in countries and what shapes these characteristics? To answer these questions, this paper conducts a comparative case study with five countries - Switzerland, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States - whose S&T diplomatic programs are highly recognized and benchmarked by other countries. A useful typology is devised to conduct a systematic comparison. For S&T diplomatic objectives, this paper suggests five types by elaborating concepts from the previous literature: access diplomacy, promotion diplomacy, public aid diplomacy, functional diplomacy, and global leadership diplomacy. Also, in terms of a governance model for S&T diplomacy, three models - a sciencecentered model, a science-outsourcing model and a top-down coordinating model - are suggested based on leadership organization. This paper reveals the different characteristics of the selected countries in S&T diplomacy. While the selected countries pursue almost every type of S&T diplomatic objective, the US and the UK tend to conduct influence-based diplomacy more than other countries do. In addition, different countries each have unique governance models for S&T diplomacy. While more research is necessary for vigorously testing the causes of different objectives and their relationship with governance models, this paper suggests more general policy implications throughout. The strength of the country's S&T base is fundamentally important for the success of S&T diplomacy. However, domestic S&T assets need to be transferred to its diplomatic capabilities. In this sense, the appropriate governance that fits best with the country's S&T mission should be established, while S&T communities should increasingly play a leadership role in evolving global S&T networks.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.94-111
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• 2018

This study examines Korea's international development volunteer program as a citizen diplomacy initiative. Informed by a cultural perspective of transmission and relational models of public diplomacy, I examine the ways in which volunteer training incorporates cultural-learning into its program. The study finds that volunteer training is largely based on an instrumentalist approach to culture that places emphasis on learning the "explicit" side of culture, such as Korean traditional dance, art, and food as a strategy to promote the country's national image. In contrast, much less covered in the training program is a relational approach to culture-learning that is guided by a reflexive understanding of the "implicit" side of culture, or the values and beliefs that guide the worldviews and behavior of both volunteers and host constituents. Whereas the value of the volunteer program as a citizen diplomacy initiative is in its potential to build relationships based on two-way engagement, its conception of culture is mostly guided by that of the transmission model of public diplomacy. Based on the findings, this study calls for an integrated approach to culture-learning in volunteer training program to move the citizen diplomacy initiative forward.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.27-49
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• 2018

Public Diplomacy (PD) is the third pillar of South Korean foreign policy. According to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, PD aims to attract foreign audiences by means of art, knowledge transmission, media, language and foreign aid. When it comes to the Korean language, its global profile has seen an especially marked increase in recent years (Kim, 2009). Thus, this paper's objective is to explain the relevance of the Korean language in the generation of South Korea's soft power. I draw from $C{\acute{e}}sar$ Villanueva's reflections in order to problematize how language promotion can be translated into soft power at five different levels: the empathetic, the sympathetic, the geopolitical, the diplomatic and the utilitarian. I observe that in the case of the Korean language in Mexico City, soft power has the potential to be generated on three levels: it helps to increase knowledge of Korean culture (empathetic); it exercises symbolic persuasion (geopolitical), since the products of cultural industries are mostly in Korean; and it is used as a tool for economic transactions in Mexico City (utilitarian).

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.49-91
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• 2022

Recent years have witnessed renewed interest in Africa and public diplomacy has emerged as the vital tool being used to cultivate these relations. China has been leading in pursuing stronger economic partnership with Africa while middle powers such as Korea are also intensifying engagement with the continent. While previous studies have analyzed the implications of China's activities in Africa on advanced powers, none has examined them from the paradigm of middle powers. This study fills this gap by assessing China's activities in Africa, their economic engagement and implications for Korea's interest in Africa. The analysis is qualitative based on secondary data from various sources and literature. The study shows that China's public diplomacy strategy involves a high degree of innovation and has evolved to encompass new tools and audiences. China has institutionalized a cooperative model that permeates many aspects of governance institutions in Africa, enabling it to strengthen their relations. This could also be helping China to adjust faster leadership transitions in Africa. Whereas the US is still the most influential country in Africa, China is influential in economic policies and has outstripped the US in infrastructure diplomacy. This could be because African policy makers align more with China's economic model than the US' mainstream economics. Chinese aid to Africa has been diversified to social sectors that are more responsive to the needs of Africa. Trade and investment relations between China and Africa have deepened, but so does trade imbalance since 2010. China mainly imports natural resources and raw materials from Africa. But this product portfolio is not different from Korea and the US. China's energetic insertion in Africa using various strategies has significant implications for countries with ambitions in Africa. Korea can achieve its ambitions in Africa by focusing resources in areas it can leverage its core strengths-such as education and vocational training, environmental policy and development cooperation.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.22 no.7
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• pp.283-293
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• 2022

One of the important areas of state policy in the socio-economic and cultural development of the country is cultural diplomacy. It contributes to the information dissemination about the country, strengthens interstate relations, and forms a positive image. Through cultural diplomacy, we achieve a positive perception of the world community of the country, determined by its place in the modern system of international relations. The aim of the study is a comparative analysis of cultural diplomacy opportunities for sustainable development at different levels of public relations, as well as the impact of cultural diplomacy opportunities on the indicators of the Global Sustainable Competitiveness Index and the Global Sustainable Development Index. Regarding the results of the research on the impact of cultural diplomacy opportunities on the indicators of the Global Index of Sustainable Competitiveness and the Global Index of Sustainable Development, four groups are identified among the countries of the European Union: countries with a very high level of sustainable competitiveness and sustainable development; countries with a high level of sustainable competitiveness and sustainable development; countries with low levels of sustainable competitiveness and sustainable development.