• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.43-59
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• 2008

Sap(?, a funeral fan) is a funeral ceremonial object used in association with a Confucian ceremonial custom, which was crafted by making a wooden frame, attaching a white cloth or a thick paper onto it, drawing pictures on it, and making a holder for a handle. According to Liji(Records of Rites), Sap was used since the Zhou Dynasty, and these Chinese Sap examples are no big different than the Korean Sap examples, which were described in Joseon Wangjo Sillok(Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Gukjo Oryeui(the Five Rites of the State), and Sarye Pyeollam(Handbook on Four Rituals). This study explored Sap excavated in lime-filled tombs and lime-layered tombs of aristocrats dating back to Joseon, as well as their historical records to examine Sap's characteristics according to their examples, manufacturing methods, and use time. The number and designs of Sap varied according to the deceased' social status aristocrats used mainly one pair of 亞-shaped Bulsap, and a pair of Hwasap with a cloud design depicted on it. A Sap was wrapped twice with Chojuji paper or Jeojuji paper, and for the third time with Yeonchangji paper. Then, it was covered with a white ramie, a hemp, a cotton, a silk satin, etc. Bobul(an axe shape and 亞-shape design) was drawn on both sides of Sap, and a rising current of cloud was drawn at the peripheral area mainly with red or scarlet pigments. Sap, which were excavated from aristocrats'lime-filled and lime-layered tombs, are the type of Sap which were separated from its handle. These excavated Sap are those whose long handles were burnt during the death carriage procession, leaving Sap, which later were erected on both sides of the coffin. The manufacturing process of excavated relics can be inferred by examining them. The excavated relics are classified into those with three points and those with two points according to the number of point. Of the three-point type(Type I), there is the kind of relic that was woven into something like a basket by using a whole wood plate or cutting bamboo into flat shapes. The three-point Sap was concentrated comparatively in the early half of Joseon, and was manufactured with various methods compared with its rather unified overall shape. In the meantime, the two-point Sap was manufactured with a relatively formatted method; its body was manufactured in the form of a rectangle or a reverse trapezoid, and then its upper parts with two points hanging from them were connected, and the top surface was made into a curve(Type II) or a straight line(Type III) differentiating it from the three-point type. This manufacturing method, compared with that of the three-point type, is simple, but is not greatly different from the three-point type manufacturing method. In particular, the method of crafting the top surface into a straight line has been used until today. Of the examined 30 Sap examples, those whose production years were made known from the buried persons'death years inscribed on the tomb stones, were reexamined, indicating that type I was concentrated in the first half of the $16^{th}$ century. Type II spanned from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century to the second half of the $17^{th}$ century, and type III spanned from the first half of the $17^{th}$ century to the first half of the $18^{th}$ century. The shape of Sap is deemed to have changed from type I to type II and again from type II to type III In the $17^{th}$ century, which was a time of change, types II and III coexisted. Of the three types of Sap, types II and III re similar because they have two points; thus a noteworthy transit time is thought to have been the middle of the $16^{th}$ century. Type I compared with types II and III is thought to have required more efforts and skills in the production process, and as time passed, the shape and manufacturing methods of Sap are presumed to have been further simplified according to the principle of economy. The simplification of funeral ceremonies is presumed to have been furthered after Imjinwaeran(Japanese invasion of Joseon, 1592~1598), given that as shown in the Annals of King Seonjo, state funerals were suspended several times. In the case of Sap, simplification began from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century, and even in the $18^{th}$ century, rather than separately crafting Sap, Sap was directly drawn on the coffin cover and the coffin. However, in this simplification of form, regulations on the use of Sap specified in Liji were observed, and thus the ceremony was rationally simplified.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.87-104
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• 2020

Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain, signed and dated (2000) by Seon-u Yeong (1946-2009), is the first work by a North Korean artist to enter the collection of the National Museum of Korea (fig. 1a). The donor acquired the painting directly from the artist in Pyeongyang in 2006. In consequence, there are no issues with the painting's authenticity.This painting is the largest among all existing Korean paintings, whether contemporary or from the Joseon Dynasty, to depict this iconography (see chart 1. A Chronological List of Korean Myogilsang Paintings.) It is ink and color on paper, measures 130.2 × 56.2 centimeters, and is in a hanging scroll format. Since this essay is intended as a brief introduction of the painting and not in-depth research into it, I will simply examine the following four areas: 1. Seon-u Yeong's background; 2. The location and the traditional appellation of the rock-cut image known as Myogilsang; 3. The iconography of the image; and 4) A comparative analysis of Seon-u Yeong's painting in light of other paintings on the same theme. Finally, I will present two more of his works to broaden the understanding of Seon-u Yeong as a painter. 1. Seon-u Yeong: According to the donor, who met Seon-u at his workshop in the Cheollima Jejakso (Flying Horse Workshop) three years before the artist's death, he was an individual of few words but displayed a firm commitment to art. His preference for subjects such as Korean landscapes rather than motifs of socialist realism such as revolutionary leaders is demonstrated by the fact that, relative to his North Korean contemporaries, he seems to have produced more paintings of the former. In recent years, Seon-u Yeong has been well publicized in Korea through three special exhibitions (2012 through 2019). He graduated from Pyeongyang College of Fine Arts in 1969 and joined the Central Fine Arts Production Workshop focusing on oil painting. In 1973 he entered the Joseon Painting Production Workshop and began creating traditional Korean paintings in ink and color. His paintings are characterized by intense colors and fine details. The fact that his mother was an accomplished embroidery specialist may have influenced on Seon-u's choice to use intense colors in his paintings. By 1992, he had become a painter representing the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with several titles such as Artist of Merit, People's Artist, and more. About 60 of his paintings have been designated as National Treasures of the DPRK. 2. The Myogilsang rock-cut image is located in the Manpok-dong Valley in the inner Geumgangsan Mountain area. It is a high-relief image about 15 meters tall cut into a niche under 40 meters of a rock cliff. It is the largest of all the rock-cut images of the Goryeo period. This image is often known as "Mahayeon Myogilsang," Mahayeon (Mahayana) being the name of a small temple deep in the Manpokdong Valley (See fig. 3a & 3b). On the right side of the image, there is an intaglio inscription of three Chinese characters by the famous scholar-official and calligrapher Yun Sa-guk (1728-1709) reading "妙吉祥"myogilsang (fig. 4a, 4b). 3. The iconography: "Myogilsang" is another name for the Bhodhisattva Mañjuśrī. The Chinese pronunciation of Myogilsang is "miaojixiang," which is similar in pronunciation to Mañjuśrī. Therefore, we can suggest a 妙吉祥 ↔ Mañjuśrī formula for the translation and transliteration of the term. Even though the image was given a traditional name, the mudra presented by the two hands in the image calls for a closer examination. They show the making of a circle by joining the thumb with the ring finger (fig. 6). If the left land pointed downward, this mudra would conventionally be considered "lower class: lower life," one of the nine mudras of the Amitabha. However, in this image the left hand is placed across its abdomen at an almost 90-degree angle to the right hand (fig. 6). This can be interpreted as a combination of the "fear not" and the "preaching" mudras (see note 10, D. Saunders). I was also advised by the noted Buddhist art specialist Professor Kim Jeong-heui (of Won'gwang University) to presume that this is the "preaching" mudra. Therefore, I have tentatively concluded that this Myogilsang is an image of the Shakyamuni offering the preaching mudra. There is no such combination of hand gestures in any other Goryeo-period images. The closest I could identify is the Beopjusa Rock-cut Buddha (fig. 7) from around the same time. 4. Comparative analysis: As seen in , except for the two contemporary paintings, all others on this chart are in ink or ink and light color. Also, none of them included the fact that the image is under a 40-meter cliff. In addition, the Joseon-period paintings all depicted the rock-cut image as if it were a human figure, using soft brushstrokes and rounded forms. None of these paintings accurately rendered the mudra from the image as did Seon-u. Only his painting depicts the natural setting of the image under the cliff along with a realistic rendering of the image. However, by painting the tall cliff in dark green and by eliminating elements on either side of the rock-cut image, the artist was able to create an almost surreal atmosphere surrounding the image. Herein lies the uniqueness of Seon-u Yeong's version. The left side of Seon-u's 2007 work Mount Geumgang (fig. 8) lives up to his reputation as a painter who depicts forms (rocks in this case) in minute detail, but in the right half of the composition it also shows his skill at presenting a sense of space. In contrast, Wave (fig. 9), a work completed one year before his death, displays his faithfulness to the traditions of ink painting. Even based on only three paintings by Seon-u Yeong, it seems possible to assess his versatility in both traditional ink and color mediums.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

• Journal of Sericultural and Entomological Science
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• v.8
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• pp.11-25
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• 1968

Various formulae for estimation of leaf production in mulberry trees were investigated and obtained. Four varieties of mulberry trees were used as the materials, and seven characters namely branch length. branch diameter, node number per branch, total branch weight, branch weight except leaves, leaf weight and leaf area, were studied. The formulae to estimate the leaf yield of mulberry trees are as follows: 1. Varietal differences were appeared in means, variances, standard devitations and standard errors of seven characters studied as shown in table 1. 2. Y$_1$=a$_1$X$_1$${\times}$P$_1$......(l) where Y$_1$ means yield per l0a by branch number and leaf weight determination. a$_1$.........leaf weight per branch. X$_1$.......branch number per plant. P$_1$........plant number per l0a. 3. Y$_2$=(a$_2$${\pm}$S. E.${\times}$X$_2$)+P$_1$.......(2) where Y$_2$ means leaf yield per l0a by branch length and leaf weight determination. a$_2$......leaf weight per meter of branch length. S. E. ......standard error. X$_2$....total branch length per plant. P$_1$........plant number per l0a as written above. 4. Y$_3$=(a$_3$${\pm}$S. E${\times}$X$_3$)${\times}$P$_1$.....(3) where Y$_3$ means of yield per l0a by branch diameter measurement. a$_3$.......leaf weight per 1cm of branch diameter. X$_3$......total branch diameter per plant. 5. Y$_4$=(a$_4$${\pm}$S. E.${\times}$X$_4$)P$_1$......(4) where Y$_4$ means leaf yield per 10a by node number determination. a$_4$.......leaf weight per node X$_4$.....total node number per plant. 6. Y$\sub$5/= {(a$\sub$5/${\pm}$S. E.${\times}$X$_2$)Kv}${\times}$P$_1$.......(5) where Y$\sub$5/ means leaf yield per l0a by branch length and leaf area measurement. a$\sub$5/......leaf area per 1 meter of branch length. K$\sub$v/......leaf weight per 100$\textrm{cm}^2$ of leaf area. 7. Y$\sub$6/={(X$_2$$\div$a$\sub$6/${\pm}$S. E.)}${\times}$K$\sub$v/${\times}$P$_1$......(6) where Y$\sub$6/ means leaf yield estimated by leaf area and branch length measurement. a$\sub$6/......branch length per l00$\textrm{cm}^2$ of leaf area. X$_2$, K$\sub$v/ and P$_1$ are written above. 8. Y$\sub$7/= {(a$\sub$7/${\pm}$S. E. ${\times}$X$_3$)}${\times}$K$\sub$v/${\times}$P$_1$.......(7) where Y$\sub$7/ means leaf yield estimates by branch diameter and leaf area measurement. a$\sub$7/......leaf area per lcm of branch diameter. X$_3$, K$\sub$v/ and P$_1$ are written above. 9. Y$\sub$8/= {(X$_3$$\div$a$\sub$8/${\pm}$S. E.)}${\times}$K$\sub$v/${\times}$P$_1$.......(8) where Y$\sub$8/ means leaf yield estimates by leaf area branch diameter. a$\sub$8/......branch diameter per l00$\textrm{cm}^2$ of leaf area. X$_3$, K$\sub$v/, P$_1$ are written above. 10. Y$\sub$9/= {(a$\sub$9/${\pm}$S. E.${\times}$X$_4$)${\times}$K$\sub$v/}${\times}$P$_1$......(9) where Y$\sub$7/ means leaf yield estimates by node number and leaf measurement. a$\sub$9/......leaf area per node of branch. X$_4$, K$\sub$v/, P$_1$ are written above. 11. Y$\sub$10/= {(X$_4$$\div$a$\sub$10/$\div$S. E.)${\times}$K$\sub$v/}${\times}$P$_1$.......(10) where Y$\sub$10/ means leaf yield estimates by leaf area and node number determination. a$\sub$10/.....node number per l00$\textrm{cm}^2$ of leaf area. X$_4$, K$\sub$v/, P$_1$ are written above. Among many estimation methods. estimation method by the branch is the better than the methods by the measurement of node number and branch diameter. Estimation method, by branch length and leaf area determination, by formulae (6), could be the best method to determine the leaf yield of mulberry trees without destroying the leaves and without weighting the leaves of mulberry trees.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.9-47
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• 1975

These experiments were caried out to study the effects of caponization and various hormone treatments upon meat production and improvement of meat quality of growing chicken. Sixtyseven days old 160 New Hampshire cockerels were treated and growth rate, carcass yield, change of weight of individual organs, meat composition and change of amino acid were measured and analysed. Otherwise change of testis and thyroid gland by hormone treatment were investigated histologically. The results obtained were as follows. 1. The effectst of caponization and hormone treatment upon meat production were; 1) Body weight of cockerels in D. E. S. group without caponization was increased. upon 96.86% than initial period and A. C. T. H. group was 104.22% but other groups and all carponization groups were lighter than those of control group. 2) Weekly body gain of D. E. S. group without caponization was best showing the significance (102.69 g) and the group with caponization were lower than those groups without caponization. 3) Carcass yield was best in Testo. group without caponization (831.2 g) and the group with caponization were lower than the group without caponization. 4) Carcass rate was highest in A. C. T. H. group with caponization and (67.22%) lowest in Testo. group without caponization (63.37%), but any significance was not recognized. 2. The effects of caponizatitn and hormone treatments upon the coposition of meat and amino acids were; 1) Any significance was not recognized between treated and untreated group about change of moisture, crude protein, crude ash and glycogen contents in meat. 2) Fat co tent in muscle in the all treated groups were higher than that of control group. 3) Extracts of group without caponization were higher than those of groups with caponization. 4) Lysin contents were highest in D. E. S. group with caponization (11. 12/ 16.0 g N) and generelly Testo. group was lower compared with D. E. S. group. 5) Histidine and Arginine contents were higher in the groups with caponization than without caponization. 6) Aspartic acid content were higher in D. E. S. group and A. C. T. H. group without depend on caponization. 7) Treonine content was higher in Testo. group without caponization and in the group with caponization and without hormone treatment compared with those of control group without caponization. 8) Serine content was decreased in the group with caponization and increased by D. E. S. and A. C. T. H treatment groups and glutamic acid was also decreased in Testo. group with out caponization. 9) Cystine content was decreased by Testo. treatment and was not appeared in Testo. group without caponization. 10) Valine content was lower in control group with caponization but significance was not recognized between other groups and control group without caponization. 11) Glycine, Alanine, Methionine. Isoleucine, Leucine, Thyrosine and Phenylalanine contents were not so difference between hormone treated groups and control group without caponization. 3. The effects of caponization and hormone treatment upon the change of organs were: 1) The weight of all organs were heaviest in D. E. S. group without caponization (18.5g) and lightest in A. C. T. H. group without caponization (155. 3g) but no significance was recognized between hormone treatment groups. 2) Heart weight was heaviest in D. E. S. group without caponization (7.46 g) and lightest in Testo. group without caponization (5.95 g). 3) Liver weight was heaviest in D. E. S. group without caponization(32.89g) and lightest in hormone untreated group with caponization(29.66g). Significance was not recognized. 4) Spleen weight was heaivest in Testo. group with caponization (3.22 g) and lightest in D. E. S. group without caponization(2.00g) in contrast with the other groups. High significance was recognized among the groups (P<0.01). 5) Cloacal thymus weight was lightest in D. E. S. group with or without caponization compared with control group without caponization. High significance was recognized among the groups. 6) Muscle fat content was not appeared in A. C. T. H. group with caponization, but it was highly increased in D. E. S. group with or without caponization. 7) Testis weight was lightest in D. E. S. group (0.38g) compared with control group (2.66g). Significance was recognized among the groups. 8) Large intestine, small intestine and cecum weight and length were heavier and longer in D. E. S. group without caponization and control group without caponization was lighter than those of hormone treated groups. 4. The effects of caponization and hormone treatment upon histological change of testis and thyroid gland: 1) The histological change of testis was significantly appeared in D. E. S. group that seminifirous tubles was slowly atrophied, the funtion of spernatogenesis was ceased, spermatocyte was changed as degeneration by pyknosis and karyorrhexis and interstitial cell was also atrophied, but in Testo. and A. C. T. H. group were similar as control group. 2) The histological change of thyroid gland in Testo. and A. C. T. H. groups without caponization were similar to that of control group without caponization, but in D. E. S. group without caponization, was changed squamously. Thyroid gland of the groups with caponization, epithelium of was atrophied and changed squamously as degeneration by pyknosis and karyorrhexis and the function of thyroid gland was slowly ceased in colloid and in hormone treated group with caponization.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.9
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• pp.9-27
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• 1968

Studies were carried out in order to elucidate chemical components and microflora in three types of soy-sauce, 12-year aged soy-sauce prepared by improved method. 7-year aged and 20-year aged soy-sauce prepared by ordinary method. They results are summarized as follows: 1. The followings are found to be the important factors affecting the quality of soy sauce. a. Organic acids, reducing sugars and free amino acids were increased in the course of storage. b. In the aged soy-sauces under study non-volatile organic acid increased while volatile organic acid decreased and the total acidity was dependent only upon tie latter. c. It was found that suit concentration decreased during the storage. 2. The results of investigation of microflora in the stored soy-sauce are shown as follows. Soy-sauce Improved Ordinary Microbe 12-Y. 20-Y. 7-Y. Aerobic bacteria colony/1ml. 6 123 2 Halophilic lactic acid bacteria colony/1ml. 4 6 10 Osmophilic yeast colony/1ml. $828{\times}10^4$ 248 - b. In the stored soy-sauces, aerobic bacteria are incapable of growing due to drop in pH value and the influence of salt concentration. c. Halophilic lactic acid bacteria are incapable of growing due to drop in pH value, even the salt concentrations decreased during the storage. d. Osmophilic yeast are still growing in low pH value and in the decreasing salt concentration during the strage. 3. The results of amino acid analysis by paper partition chromatographic and calorimetric methods are shown as follows. a. Fourteen kinds of amino acid and thirteen amino acids were detected in the soy-sauce of 12-year aged improved soy-sauce and 7-year aged and 20-year aged ordinary one, respectively. b. The contents of aspartic acid, glutamic acid, serine, valine, leucine, lysine, histidine and methionine increased in the 20-year aged ordinary soy-sauce compared to the 7-year aged one. On the other hand those of alanine, tyrosine, phenylalanine and cystine decreased. 4. The results of sugar analysis by paper chromatography are as follows. a. In the 12-year aged improved soy-sauce, galactose, glucose, arabinose, xylose, rhamnose, maltose and an unknown were detected, and their amounts were in the above order except maltose and an unknown. b. Both in the 7 and 12-year aged ordinary soy-sauces, galactose, arabinose, xylose, glucose and rhamnose were detected and the amounts of the sugars were in the above order. c. In the non-aged ordinary soy-sauce, glucose was not detected but detected from 7-year and 20-year aged ordinary soy-sauce. 5. The results of organic acid analysis by paper chromatography were as follows. a. As volatile acids, acetic, propionic and butyric acids were detected in the 7-year aged ordinary soy-sauce. On the other hand in both the 20-year aged ordinary soy-sauce and the 12-year aged improved ones, only acetic acid was abundant while propionic and butyric acids were round in trace. It was found that propionic and butyric acids, as the unpleasant flavor components, decreased during the storage. b. In the ordinary soy-sauce, citric acid were produced during the storage and lack, malic and tartaric acids increased in the course of aging while succinic, glycolic, fumaric and malonic acids were shown to decrease. Glutaric and oxalic acids disappeared. Citric acid was produced also in the improved soy-sauce, but lactic, tartaric, succinic, malic, and glycolic acids decreased, while both malonic and glutaric acids disappeared. From the above results the citric acid production was considered to be a favorable factor for the taste. c. In the aged soy-sauces, pyruvic, α-ketoglutaric and probably acetoacetic and oxaloacetic acids (both in trace) were present and their amounts were in the above order. All of the α-keto acid abruptly decreased during the storage.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.199-231
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• 1975

It is well known fact that antibiotic residues in milk of cows create significant problem for the fermented dairy industry and public health because of inhibition of starter activity and of creation of allergic disease. It can be assumed that antibiotic residues in milk of other aniimals also can create some problems for their infants as in the case of humen. For the above mentioned reasons, present studies were undertaken to determine concentration and duration of antibiotic residues in milk of cows, goats and dogs following intramuscular or intravenous injection and intramammary infusion of penicillin, streptomycin and oxytetracycline at usual dosage. The cylinder-plate method was used for their assay. The results obtained were summerized as follows: 1) Following the intramuscular injection of penicillin, the antibiotic was detected in milk of cows up to 72 hours, in milk of goats 48 hours and in milk of dogs 60 hours of postinjection. The mean peak concentrations were recorded at 12 hours as 0.136 I.U./ml in cows. 6 hours as 0.773 I.U./ml in goats and 3 hours as 1.192 I.U./ml in dogs. 2) Following the intramuscular injection of streptomycin, the antibiotic was detected in milk of cows and goats up to 36 hours and in milk of dogs 24 hours of post-injection. The mean peak concentration were recorded at 6 hours as $0.26{\mu}g/ml$ in cows and at 3 hours in goats and dogs $0.45{\mu}g/ml$ and $0.36{\mu}g/ml$ respectively. 3) Following the intra venous injection of oxytetracycline, the antibiotic was detectable in milk of all the test animals up to 48 hours of postinjection. The mean peak concentrations were recorded at 6 hours as $3.5{\mu}g/ml$ in cows $2.4{\mu}g/ml$ in goats and $2.0{\mu}g/ml$ in dogs respectively. 4) Following intrarnammary infusion of penicillin in amounts of 100,000 I.U. for cows, 20.000 I.U. for goats and 10,000 I.U. for dogs, the penicillin residues in milk of the infused quarter perssisted to 72 hours in cows and 84 hours in goats and dogs. 5) Following intramammary infusion of streptomycin in amount of 500mg for cows, 100mg for goats and 25mg for dogs, the streptomycin residues in milk of the infused quarter persisted to 72 hours in cows and goats and 60 hours in dogs. 6) Following intramammary infusion of oxytetracycline in amount of 500mg for cows, 100mg for goats and 25mg for dogs, the oxytetracycline residues in milk of the infused quarter persisted to 72 hours in cows and 60 hours in goats and dogs. 7) A corelation between the residual antibiotic concentration and milk yield in cows and goats was observed; That is, the lower in the milk production showed a higher the concentration of an antibiotic residues and a longer the time in persistance. 8) Intramammary transfer of the antibiotic from an infused to non infused quarters, in dogs, was observed following the intramammary infusion of penicillin. streptomycin and oxytetracyclne in amounts of 10.000 I.U. 25mg and 25mg respectively. However, no transfer by 100.000 I.U. or 20.000 I.U. of penicillin. 500mg of streptomycin and 100mg of oxytetracyline was observed in cows and goats. 9) In dogs, minimum dosage of antibiotics for transfer fro in treated to untreated quarters following intramammary infusion were 2,500 I.U. of penicillin and 5mg each of streptomycin and oxytetracycline.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.186-205
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• 2013

${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ in the Kansong Art Museum is an album of poems and pictures of apricot tree, orchids and bamboos drawn by Lee Jeong. Given that the poems and pictures in the album were drawn by Lee Jeong who has been recognized as a person who established the standards of ink bamboo drawings in the Joseon Dynasty, the album is highly valuable. Nevertheless, there are more values and meanings that Three Purities Album has. The production circumstances and transmission processes of Three Purities Album include the historical characteristics and meanings of the time so that it is also worthwhile as a historical material. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, Lee Jeong was stabbed with a sword by Japanese invaders and got injured. After he suffered, he tried to make his masterpiece in his lifework and finally created Three Purities Album. For the work, Lee Jeong received memorial writings from Choi Rip, Cha Cheon-ro and Han Ho, and asked them writings. They were the best literary men in the poem and calligraphy fields at that time. Yu Geun, Lee An-nul, and Yu Mong-in made writings and poems to praise his work. Likewise, ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is the 'treasure of the time' created through the participation of the best literary men at that time. Given the aspects, it is fair to say that ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is not simply a personal artwork of Lee Jeong, but is a comprehensive artwork and also a cultural monument created through the skills and capabilities of the literary artists in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. After the death of Lee Jeong, Three Purities Album was handed over to Hong Ju-won. But, during the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, the album was in danger of disappearance by fire. As of now, there are still signs of fire in it, which vividly shows the urgent situation at that time. After the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, Hong Ju-won recovered some damaged writings with the help of Yoon Shin-ji. Since then, the album had been handed down as a family treasure over the next 7 generations. It can be found in the writings by Song Si-yeol and Uh Yu-bong. Unlike the literary men who praised Three Purities Album in terms of its work when Lee Joeng was alive, they focused on the transmission courses of the album and involved persons. That seems to be because the stories and characters appearing in Three Purities Album impressed the later literary men and were meaningful to them rather than the album itself. It strongly reflected the positions of Hong Jung-gi and Hung Sang-han who asked for writings as the descendants of Hong Ju-won. That is because the traces of the persons involved in Three Purities Album are the causes for admiring their ancestors and enhancing their political legitimacy and family dignity. Therefore, in this aspect, it is possible to witness the fundamental causes of the unique artistic awareness by East Asian people who consider their historical meanings as well as the aesthetic value of artworks significant. Unfortunately, during the Japanese invasion at the end of the Joseon Dynasty, Three Purities Album was handed over to Japanese Tzuboikouso. But, fortunately, Jeon Hyeong-pil who made an effort to regain our cultural assets by investing his entire property during the Japanese Imperialism regained the album, which is now preserved in the Kansong Art Museum. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ truly includes the whole processes to overcome national crises that Korean people experienced during the Japanese Invasion in 1592, the second Manchu Invasion of Korea in 1636, and the Japanese Imperialism, and it shows the sufferings of our cultural assets and the history of preservation. Also, the album shows that one artwork is able to accumulate its historical meanings in the process of transmission and thus enhances its meanings and values. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ features accumulative and constant historical meanings and it is a typical case showing that an artwork is plenty of aesthetic and historical values. It is expected that this work will contribute to promoting more studies on finding historical meanings and hysteresis of artworks.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.7-18
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• 1979

Almonds are one of the oldest sources of food and oil for man as used the ice cream, candy, roast, salting, chocolate, breads, backed, cookies, and flavoring ect. So, we wish to plant Almond in our country at the most parts of mountains. In this purpose we must be find out of both root stock of more compatibility and new techniques of grafting was rather simples as compared with the many steps of machinary involved today. This investigation has been carried out to reveral compatibility and practical controls of environment effectives involved in the occurence of each difference combination results in interspecific grafting of Almonds on the root stock of Prunus mandshurica and Prunus persica as materials during the 9 months period from March to November in 1978. With these selected scions were 4 varieties of Almond employing as the Hal1's hardy, Nonpareil, and Thompson grafted in the polyethylene green house with almost identical provision made for effective controls of automatical supplying to heating and mistsprayers as the $22{\sim}25^{\circ}C$ of temperature and 70~90% humidity. Following results have been obtained. Those environmental controls were more effective and practical to grafting unions and success by means veneer-grafting at the green house. 1. Hall's hardy Almond grafted on the root stock of Prunus persica was more compatibility than Prunus mandshurica. 2. The survival percentages as follows of the 95.33% of Hall's hardy/Prunus persica and 92.66% of Hall's hardy/Prunus mandshurica. And those were no significant between root stock of both species. 3. The 3 varieties of sweet Almond grafted on the root stock of P. mandshurica. And those were no significant between root stock of both species. 4. And the survival percentages as fellows. Thompson 92.66%, Nonpareil 90.66% and Kapareil 89.33% those grafted on the root stock of Prunus persica. 5. And then the survival percentage of interspecific grafts on the root Prunus mandshurica as follows of the materials of Thompson 89.66%, Nonpareil 87%, Kapareil 85%. 6. The analysis of variance were no significant among the interactions between 3 varieties Almond and 2 species of root stock plants. 7. And the growth of interspecific grafts of the high 161cm, diameter 12.3mm and length of roots 21.5cm growth as the Hall's hardy Almond grafted on the root stock of Prunus persica. 8. The root stock plants of Prunus mandshurica more effected to 6~8 days early developed leafing of scions and dark green colour than the Prunus persica. 9. The identical provision of automatic systems was more effective to graft unions and grafting process. 10. The veneer-grafting method at the green house was more effective and practical method for the mass production of Almond grafts.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.11
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• pp.109-152
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• 2007

This thesis started from accepting the criticism and concretely seeking the possibility of visual visuality, in particular, visual physicality or physical visuality through the expression revealed in painting space. This study aims at stressing the role of the body in visual perception and pictorial expression by it by examining the interaction between it and the body. First of all, this study explored perception and the position of the body in the great frame of the historical stream from modernism, through minimalism, through post-minimalism to later art in order to confirm the interaction between visual perception and the body or the change in the intervention of physicality in the stream of contemporary art, and connected them with a discourse on perception and the body. It raised as the grounds for it the discussions which provided the theoretical background about perception. It dealt with the scientific discussions on perceptual physicality by Gestalt psychology in perceptive psychology, and next the discussion of Rudolf Arnheim who exemplified Gestalt psychology mainly on the dimension of visual art. It is significant in explaining the perceptual activeness which is the same as that of M. Merleau-Ponty as a primary debater to solve the questions of perceptual physicality and physical visuality. M. Merleau-Ponty set forth ambiguous perception and the body as its background as the fundamental bases for perceiving the world rather than consciousness proved explicitly. As Hal Foster said, as minimalist phenomenological background they provided appropriate theoretical background to the late art rising against modernist logic. Next, after the 1970s Frank Stella showed a working method and a tendency entirely different from those in the previous period. For example, deconstruction of frame, decentralized spatial expression, dynamic and mixed expression, and allowing real space by overlapping were judged to swing to approval of perceptual physicality. Francis Bacon's painting structure, that is, figure, triptych, aplat and a method of production by accident were understood to well reflect M. Merleau-Ponty's chair logic of chiasme. This study tries to seek the possibility of pictorial expression from works aiming at defining the question of seeing in connection with physicality, the role of the body as the body accumulated and the linking with a real, daily life as the background of the body, and confirm the phase shift.