• Food Science and Industry
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.325-333
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• 2018

If private discipline replace the strict administrative regulation, fundamental rights of protective essence can be relativized while if may be beneficial for the individual freedom. Assigning the state power to the private organization is equivalent to giving up the practice of individual liberty to the organized authority. It is important to make use of public law mechanism, particularly under the imperfect juristic system. Regarding the prohibition of prior censorship, it is necessary to consider whether it is desirable to prioritize the freedom of speech over the rest of the legal benefit. Apart from this necessity, new advertisement screening mechanism was irreversibly - and controversially - introduced for the health functional food since the unconstitutional verdict of the prior screening of advertisements. With this, the state must secure the broad order through legal regulations and norms in order to freedom of speech and other legal benefit can be harmoniously and practically guaranteed.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.21 no.8
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• pp.29-39
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• 2016

Recently, KakaoTalk users seek secure messengers with fears of 'possible' censorship over a mobile messenger. Instead German messenger "Telegram" is gaining popularity in South Korea. Are the known as secure messengers actually secure? In this paper, we evaluate secure mobile messengers in terms of private information protection. We establish the fourteen criteria to evaluate the functionality of messenger apps including communication encryption in transit, the possibility of leakage of decrypted messages via server, an encryption algorithm, a key exchange algorithm, an ephemeral message application, etc. Line, Telegram, Snapchat, WhatsApp, Wickr, Facebook Messenger and KakaoTalk, which have many worldwide and domestic users, are to be targeted. Wickr is ranked at the top of the evaluation, followed by Telegram and Line but KakaoTalk and Snapchat are ranked at the bottom of the evaluation list.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.42
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• pp.140-167
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• 2008

This study analyzes the legal reasoning of Seoul Central District Court, which imposed legal liability on portals for posting defamatory user replies to news articles, written and provided by the news media, onto their 'News Windows'. Saddling portals with the burden of verifying the facts associated in news articles and imposing the legal obligation as a publisher entail a grave risk of impairment of free flow of information and freedom of expression. Of course, it would ultimately result in tightening up private censorship of information which the Constitution does not allow, and funker keep portals from posting even news articles in which expressed views and opinions are lawful. When judging whether portals should assume liability fur libelous user replies to news articles, it is necessary to distinguish the territory under the direct authority of portals from cafes and bulletin boards managed by third parties. In addition, imposing legal liability above the level of common carrier should be limited to the cases; when portals arbitrarily change the contents of news articles or when the articles portals changed contain libelous contents. Even if those conditions are met, the altered contents should obviously constitute libel. Only in the presence of proof that portals knew the illegality of news articles and did not take proper steps including deleting those replies, should portals not be considered as an accomplice. Nor should portals take responsibility for users' defamatory replies for those reasons.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.24
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• pp.485-517
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• 1996

The purpose of this study is to investigate typical ethical problems found in the technical and public services areas. The followings are the summary of the study. There are three distinct elements that govern ethical problems. One element is legal laws. The copyright law and the privacy act are exact examples. The copyright law has strong influence on the inter library loan service where the majority requests from the users are reproduction of copies. The privacy act also creates difficulties for librarians. Most requests for circulation records infringe on the privacy of library user. And advance online access systems also violates the privacy of library users. The second element is the code or rules that private organization has created. American Library Association created many statements that regulate the conduct of librarians. The bill of right, the professional code of ethics and policy on the confidentiality of library records have strong implications in the obligation of librarian. In the case of censorship at the selection of library materials, the code is a defensive tool against intellectual freedom. Yet self-censoring are prevailing practice among librarians. The thirds element is the competence of librarians. The analyzed table 3 showed that beside two elements, the rest of matters are competence required by librarians. The one aspect of it is humaneness and the other one is technical aspects. Technical aspect of competence are:(l) managerial and operational ability (2) communication skill (3) leadership (4) structure of knowledge and (5) self developing professionalism. Humanity aspect of competence are:(l) trust(fiduciary relationship) gained by diligence, objective judgement, ability, belief, rationality, integrity, kindness) (2) objectiveness (free from bias) (3) user-oriented consideration (need, interest, equal treatment, information gap) (4) caution in providing information (5) pride and (6) ability to distinguish advice and guidance specially in medical and law library.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.1-43
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• 2012

This paper examines the American Civil Liberties Union(ACLU)'s recent legal challenge on patents held by Myriad Genetics on two genes (BRCA1 and BRCA2) associated with a high risk of breast and ovarian cancer. Instead of analyzing the ACLU's objections to the BRCA patents in terms of its legal technicalities and normative ethical principles, this paper seeks to situate this legal case in the broader historical context of the shifting understanding of the relationship between private ownership, economic development, and the public interest in academic sciences. This paper first briefly chronicles a series of scientific developments and key legal decisions involving patenting of life forms, including genetically engineered micro-organisms animals and biological materials of human origins like cell cultures and genes, that led to the US Patent and Trademark Office(USPTO)'s official guidelines on human gene patenting in 2001. At another level, this paper analyzes the expansion of the scope of intellectual property rights in the life sciences in terms of shifting economic and legal assumptions about public knowledge and its role for economic development in the 1970s. I then show how these economic, legal, and ethical ideas that linked private ownership and the public interest have been challenged from the 1990s, calling for revisions in intellectual property laws regarding a wide array of life forms. The tragedy of the anticommons in human gene patenting, according to ACLU, has severely undermined creative scientific activities, medical innovations, access to health care and rights to life among cancer patient groups. ACLU's objection to human gene patenting on several US-constitutional grounds in turn suggests issues regarding intellectual property are critically linked to vital issues pertinent to the creative communities in arts and sciences, such as free exchange of ideas, censorship and monopoly, and free expression and piracy etc.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.177-208
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• 2014

This study inquires how human interest news on society section of newspapers had been modulated as multi-layered political narratives that would consistently have Koreans consider, realize and question on colonial situation as well as ethnic identity. Under totalitarian censorship of the colonial government, newspapers could not publish reports on political issues and current affairs, so society page of human interest such as crime, accident, conflict, disaster, and many kinds of sufferings of peoples to death would take great public attention and consequently be considered as a substitute of political section. Society page had enjoyed its influence on formation of public opinion of the colonized ethnic society and had maintained cultural-nationalist position ever since the founding of newspaper in mother-tongue in 1920. In colonial context, there is nothing non-political to the lives of the colonized, social facts would be necessary and happen to be modulated into a narrative that could trigger nationalist sentiment. For this end, news reporting of society section usually concentrated on aspects of 'Les Mis${\acute{e}}$rqbles', dramatic quality, and psychological factors in detail. Narrative style of news reporting got used to modulate factual informations with a proper taste of exaggeration, emotional expression, and commercial touch of exciting words. Even in a case of death by drug abuse, news was written to indicate what made him/her drive to miserable death on street, that is, what is de facto reason of all of social problems like as migration, hunger, leaving home, crime, suicide, violence, gambling, love affairs to death, adultery, and even opium habit. Those social problems and personal sufferings appeared up on newspaper 3rd page at daily base. Readers could acknowledge and identify what the real matter that should be resolved and then blame colonialism, capitalism, and militarism for those social problems. Journalists put values on inciting the colonized to realize the national and ethnic situation and feel sympathy for their people tied up by a common destiny. In this terms, news on society section of newspaper under Colonial Occupation were encoded as narratives of politically layered text and then decoded as intriguing sentiments against colonial dominance. I argue that society page of newspaper of colonial period engaged in a sort of cultural politics of sentiment and emotion which is a private area outside of imperial sight.