• 한국패션뷰티학회지
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• 제4권3호
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• pp.13-17
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• 2006

Perm is one the of the most common thing in a beauty salon like hair-cut and hair perm needs processing solutions which is chemical substances. Those chemical substances damage the hair cuticle. Damaged hair cuticles with mistakes of perm will follow with the next performance and it will cause more damage to hair. As damage of hair cuticle become worse, it is harder to recover the hair cuticle like before. Therefore, this study shows that plain rinse is the way to reduce the damage of hair cuticle with perm as much as possible. With experiments, I suggest the right way to do plain rinse to satisfy customers' demand and reduce the damage. During the research, I figured that plain rinse with the knowledge, structure of hair cuticle, principle of perm and plain rinse, is very needed. The hair with plain rinse have more elastic curl and have less scales which came off from hair cuticle than the hair without plain rinse. This experiment concludes that hairdresser has to figure out about the time, temperature and type of water depends on the degree of damaged hair of customers. In order to perm, there is no way to not to use chemical substances to perm. Therefore, hairdresser has to choose suitable processing solutions and right steps, and as this is the age of 'well-being' boom, hairdresser must try to keep the healthy hair. Consequently, in order to meet the demands and conditions of customers, hairdresser needs to find the right method to do plain rinse and use the method in perm.

• 산업경영시스템학회지
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• 제40권4호
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• pp.183-190
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• 2017

This paper proposes a dynamic magnetic field emulator (DMFE), which can electrically emulate information for the magnetic stripes of most widely used credit cards. Payment transactions with most common credit cards are performed by reading the card's information, encoded in magnetic stripes, using the reader head of a point-of-sale (POS) system. A stripe-type permanent magnet is attached to the back side of the credit card, and information for payments or value-added service is reorganized by exposing it to strong magnetic field. The process of data recording and retrieving as stated above has been pointed out as a major cause of illegal credit card use, because the information on the magnetic stripe is always exposed, and is thus vulnerable to forgery or alteration. A dynamic magnetic field emulator displays card information only when necessary by using the principle of solenoidal magnets. The DMFE proposed in this paper can prevent fraudulent use if it is operated with a device, like a smart phone, or a separate user-authentication procedure. In addition, because it is possible to display various information as needed, it can be utilized for a smart multi-card application, in which information for multiple cards is stored in one card, and can be selected and used as needed. This paper introduces the necessity of the DMFE and its manufacturing principles. As a result, this study will be helpful for making various application cases in payment, which is a core area of the Fintech (a newly-coined word of finance and technology) industry.

• 대한방사선기술학회지:방사선기술과학
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• 제39권4호
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• pp.543-547
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• 2016

급성 뇌졸중(acute stroke)의 경우 빠른 처치가 이루어지지 않으면 뇌손상으로 인해 평생 장애를 가지고 살아가야 하는 질환이다. 따라서 뇌졸중 환자가 발생할 경우에는 신속한 진단과 치료가 이루어져야 하므로 장시간의 검사를 해야 하는 MRI 보다는 빠른 검사와 3D 구현이 가능한 뇌 관류전산화단층촬영(Brain Perfusion CT)이 널리 활용되고 있다. 그러나 환자에게 많은 방사선 피폭이 이루어질 수 있기 때문에 저선량(low dose) 기법을 사용하여 영상을 획득하게 된다. 이로 인해 촬영된 영상의 질 저하가 유발되며, 특히 가우시안노이즈의 영향을 크게 받아 정확한 혈관 영상의 확인을 저해한다. 본 연구에서는 관류전산화단층촬영을 통해 얻어진 동적 CT 데이터에 시공간 분석 기법을 적용하여 진단 영상의 질을 향상시키고자 한다. 특히, 가우시안노이즈를 제거하기 위해서 선형 특징 축출 방법 중 하나인 주성분 분석 기법을 적용하여 분석하였으며, 그 결과 시공간 특징에 따른 각각의 관류 영상 성분을 축출한 경우 뇌-혈관 영상뿐만 아니라 뇌-실질 영상의 질이 향상됨을 가시적으로 확인할 수 있었다. 새롭게 시도된 시공간 기반 영상기법이 향후 급성 뇌졸중 진단뿐만 아니라 다양한 시계열 정보가 포함된 뇌질환 진단 영상분석에 활용된다면, 임상 진단의 질 향상에 도움이 될 것이라 기대한다.

• 한국학교수학회논문집
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• 제16권1호
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• pp.113-139
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• 2013

본 연구는 초등학생들의 문장제 해결과정에서 나타나는 오류를 분석하고 문제해결전략별 오류 유형 및 그 특징을 파악함으로써 문제해결학습의 실패 원인에 대한 정보를 제공하고 문제해결력을 향상시킬 수 있는 교수학습방안을 제안하기 위한 것이다. 문장제 해결과정에서 학생들이 선호하는 전략을 살펴보면 식 세우기와 예상과 확인, 규칙 찾기 순으로 나타났으며, 단순화하기 전략은 거의 사용하지 않고 있다. 문장제 해결과정에서 나타나는 오류 유형의 특징은 문제해결전략에 따라 차이를 보였는데, 이를테면 식 세우기의 경우, '문항 이해의 오류', '개념 원리의 오류', '풀이 과정의 오류' 순으로 나타난 반면, 그림그리기에서는 문제에서 설명하는 내용을 잘못 이해하여 그림으로 나타내는 오류를 주로 범하였고, 표 만들기의 경우 문제에서 주어진 정보를 표로 나타내는 과정에서 정보들 간의 관계를 잘못 이해하여 오류를 범하는 '문항 이해의 오류'가 많은 것으로 나타났다. 이처럼 문장제를 통한 문제해결 학습에서 학생들이 선호하는 문제해결전략을 확인함과 동시에 문제해결전략별 나타나는 오류의 특징을 확인함으로써 해결전략에 따른 오류를 예상하고 이에 대처하는 교수학습방안을 생각해볼 수 있을 것이다.

• 혜화의학회지
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.595-646
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• 2000

I. Introduction Bi(痺) means blocking. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. says that Bi is combination of PungHanSeup. And many doctors said that BiJeung is caused by food, fatigue, sex, stress and change of weather. Therefore we must treat BiJeung by character of patients and characteristic of the disease. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. So I studied ${\ll}Bijeungjujip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision 1. JoGeumTak(趙金鐸) devided BiJeung into Pung, Han, Seup and EumHeo, HeulHeo, YangHeo, GanSinHeo by charcter or reaction of pain. And he use DaeJinGyoTang, GyegiGakYakJiMoTang, SamyoSan, etc. 2. JangPaeGyeu(張沛圭) focused on division of HanYeol(寒熱; coldness and heat) in spite of complexity of BiJeung. He also used insects for treatment. They are very useful for treatment of BiJeung because they can remove EoHyeol(瘀血). 3. SeolMaeng(薛盟) said that the actual cause of BiJeung is Seup. So he thought that BiJeung can be divided into PungSeup, SeupYeol, HanSeup. And he established 6 rules to treat BiJeung and he studied herbs. 4. JangGi(張琪) introduced 10 prescriptions and 10 rules to cure BiJeung. The 1st prescription is for OyeSa, 2nd for internal Yeol, 3rd for old BiJeung, 4th for Soothing muscles, 5th for HanSeup, 6th for regular BiJeung, 7th for functional disorder, 8th for YeolBi, 9th for joint pain and 10th for pain of lower limb. 5. GangSeYoung(江世英) used PungYeongTang(風靈湯) for the treatment of PungBi, OGyeHeukHoTang(烏桂黑虎湯) for HanBi, BangGiMokGwaTang(防己木瓜湯) for SeupBi, YeolBiTang(熱痺湯) for YeolBi, WoDaeRyeokTang(牛大力湯) for GiHei, HyeolPungGeunTang(血楓根湯) for HyeolHeo, ToJiRyongTang(土地龍湯) for the acute stage of SeupBi, OJoRyongTang(五爪龍湯) for the chronic stage of SeupBi, and so on. 6. ShiGeumMook(施今墨) devided BiJeung into four types. They are PungSeupYeol, PungHanSeup, GiHyeolSil(氣血實) and GiHyeolHeo(氣血虛). And he introduced the eight rules of the treatment(SanPun(散風), ChukHan(逐寒), GeoSeuP(, CheongYeol(淸熱), TongRak(通絡), HwalHyeol(活血), HaengGi(行氣), BoHeo(補虛)). 7. WangYiYou(王李儒) explained the acute athritis and said that it can be applicable to HaneBi(行痺). And he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍蘂知母湯) for HanBi and YeolBiJinTongTang(熱痺鎭痛湯) for YeolBi. 8. JangJinYeo(章眞如) said that YeolBi is more common than HanBi. The sympthoms of YeolBi are severe pain, fever, dried tongue, insomnia, etc. And he devided YeolBi into SilYeol and HeoYeol. In case of SilYeol, he used GyeoJiTangHapBaekHoTang(桂枝湯合白虎湯) and in case of HeoYeol he used JaEumYangAekTang(滋陰養液湯). 9. SaHaeJu(謝海洲) introduced three important rules of treatment and four appropriate rules of treatment of BiJeung. 10. YouDoJu(劉渡舟) said that YeolBi is more common than HanBi. He used GaGamMokBanGiTang(加減木防已湯) for YeolBi, GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang or GyeJiBuJaTang(桂枝附子湯) for HanBi and WooHwangHwan(牛黃丸) for the joint pain. 11. GangYiSon(江爾遜) focused on the internal cause. The most important internal cause is JeongGiHeo(正氣虛). So he tried to treat BiJeung by means of balance of Gi and Hyeol. So he ususlly used ODuTang(烏頭湯) and SamHwangTang(三黃湯) for YeolBi, OJeokSan(五積散) for HanBi, SamBiTang(三痺湯) for the chronic BiJeung. 12. HoGeonHwa(胡建華) said that to distinguish YeolBi from Hanbi is very difficult. So he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang in case of mixture of HanBi and YeoBi. 13. PiBokGo(畢福高) said that the most common BiJeung is HanBi. He usually used acupuncture with medicine. He followed the theory of EumYongHwa(嚴用和)-he focused on SeonBoHuSa(先補後瀉). 14. ChoiMunBin(崔文彬) used GeoPungHwalHyeolTang(祛風活血湯) for HanBi, SanHanTongRakTang(散寒通絡湯) for TongBi(痛痺), LiSeupHwaRakTang(利濕和絡湯) for ChakBi(着痺), CheongYeolTongGyeolChukBiTang(淸熱通經逐痺湯) for YeolBi(熱痺) and GeoPungHwalHyeolTang(祛風活血湯) for PiBi(皮痺). 15. YouleokSeon(劉赤選) introduced the common principle for the treatment of BiJeung. He used HaePuneDeungTang(海風藤湯) for HaengBi(行痺), SinChakTang(腎着湯), DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯) for TongBi(痛痺), TongPungBang(痛風方) for ChakBi(着痺) and SangGiYiMiTangGaYeongYangGakTang(桑枝苡米湯加羚羊角骨) for YeolBi(熱痺). 16. LimHakHwa(林鶴和) said about TanTan(movement disorders or numbness) and devided TanTan into the acute stage and the chronic stage. He used acupuncture at the meridian spot like YeolGyeol(列缺), HapGok(合谷), etc. And he also used MaHwangBuJaSeSinTang(麻黃附子細辛湯) in case of the acute stage. In the chronic stage he used BangPungTang(防風湯). 17. JinBaekGeun(陳伯勤) liked to use three rules(HwaHyeol(活血), ChiDam(治痰), BoSin(補腎)) to treat BiJeung. He used JinTongSan(鎭痛散) for the purpose of HwalHyeol(活血), SoHwalRakDan(小活絡丹) for ChiDam(治痰) and DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯) for BoSin(補腎). 18. YimGyeHak(任繼學) focused on YangHyeolJoGi(養血調氣) if the stage of BiJeung is chronic. And in the chronic stage he insisted on not using GalHwal(羌活), DokHwal(獨活) and BangPung(防風).

• 항공우주정책ㆍ법학회지
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.109-133
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• 2007

The legal labyrinth through which we have just walked is one in which even a highly proficient lawyer could easily become lost. Warsaw Convention's original objective of uniformity of private international aviation liability law has been eroded as the world community ha attempted again to address perceived problems. Efforts to create simplicity and certainty of recovery actually may have created less of both. In any particular case, the issue of which international convention, intercarrier agreement or national law to apply will likely be inconsistent with other decisions. The law has evolved faster for some nations, and slower for others. Under the Warsaw Convention of 1929, strict liability is imposed on the air carrier for damage, loss, or destruction of cargo, luggage, or goods sustained either: (1) during carriage in air, which is comprised of the period during which cargo is 'in charge of the carrier (a) within an aerodrome, (b) on board the aircraft, or (c) in any place if the aircraft lands outside an aerodrome; or (2) as a result of delay. By 2007, 151 nations had ratified the original Warsaw Convention, 136 nations had ratified the Hague Protocol, 84 had ratified the Guadalajara Protocol, and 53 nations had ratified Montreal Protocol No.4, all of which have entered into force. In November 2003, the Montreal Convention of 1999 entered into force. Several airlines have embraced the Montreal Agreement or the IATA Intercarrier Agreements. Only seven nations had ratified the moribund Guatemala City Protocol. Meanwhile, the highly influential U.S. Second Circuit has rendered an opinion that no treaty on the subject was in force at all unless both affected nations had ratified the identical convention, leaving some cases to fall between the cracks into the arena of common law. Moreover, in the United States, a surface transportation movement prior or subsequent to the air movement may, depending upon the facts, be subject to Warsaw, or to common law. At present, International private air law regime can be described as a "situation of utter chaos" in which "even legal advisers and judges are confused." The net result of this barnacle-like layering of international and domestic rules, standards, agreements, and criteria in the elimination of legal simplicity and the substitution in its stead of complexity and commercial uncertainty, which manifestly can not inure to the efficient and economical flow of world trade. All this makes a strong case for universal ratification of the Montreal Convention, which will supersede the Warsaw Convention and its various reformulations. Now that the Montreal Convention has entered into force, the insurance community may press the airlines to embrace it, which in turn may encourage the world's governments to ratify it. Under the Montreal Convention, the common law defence is available to the carrier even when it was not the sole cause of the loss or damage, again making way for the application of comparative fault principle. Hopefully, the recent entry into force of the Montreal Convention of 1999 will re-establish the international legal uniformity the Warsaw Convention of 1929 sought to achieve, though far a transitional period at least, the courts of different nations will be applying different legal regimes.

• 복식
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• 제16권
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• pp.221-229
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• 1991

This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

• 한국산림과학회지
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• 제22권1호
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

토지국유원칙(土地國有原則)을 표방(標榜)하고 "공사(公私) 공리(共利)"를 기본원칙(基本原則)으로 하고 있었던 고려조(高麗朝)의 시전과제도(柴田科制度)도 집권력(執權力)의 약화(弱化)로 인(因)하여 조만간(早晩間), 붕괴(崩壞)되고 말았던 것이나 임지제도(林地制度)에 있어서는 분묘설정(墳墓設定)의 자유(自由)와 개간장려(開墾奬勵)를 이용(利用)한 삼림(森林)의 광점(廣占) 및 전시과제도(田柴科制度)로 인(因)한 시지(柴地)의 수조권위양(收租權委讓)으로 유래(由來)된 사적수조권(私的洙組權)이 결부(結付)된 삼림(森林)의 사점현상등(私占現象等)이 점차(漸次) 발전(發展)하여 고려중기(高麗中期)의 국정해지기이후(國政解地期以後)에는 대부분(大部分)의 삼림(森林)이 권력층(權力層)의 사점지(私占地)로 화(化)하여 왔었다. 고려조(高麗朝)의 모든 제도(制度)를 그대로 계승(繼承)한 이조(李朝)는 건국후(建國後) 국가소용(國家所用)의 삼림확보(森林確保)를 위(爲)한 삼림수용(森林收用)의 제도확립(制度確立)이 긴요(緊要)하였음으로 전국(全國)의 삼림(森林)을 국가권력(國家權力)에 의(依)하여 공수(公收)하고 국가(國家)와 궁실소용이외(宮室所用以外)의 모든 삼림(森林)은 사점(私占)을 금(禁)한다는 "시장사점금지(柴場私占禁止)"의 제도(制度)를 법제화(法制化)하였고 도성주변(都城周邊)의 사산(四山)을 금산(禁山)으로 함과 아울러 우량(優良)한 임상(林相)의 천연림(天然林)을 택(擇)하여 전조선용재(戰漕船用材)와 궁실용재(宮室用材)의 확보(確保)를 위(爲)한 외방금산(外方禁山)으로 정(定)하고 그 금양(禁養)을 위(爲)하여 산직(山直)을 배치(配置)하였다. 그리고 연병(練兵)과 국왕(國王)의 수렵(狩獵)을 위(爲)한 강무장(講武場)과 관용시장(官用柴場), 능원부속림(陵園附屬林)의 금벌(禁伐), 금화(禁火)를 제정(制定) 등(等) 필요(必要)에 따라 수시(隨時)로 삼림(森林)을 수용(收用)하였으나 고려조이래(高麗朝以來)로 권력층(權力層)에 의(依)하여 사점(私占)되어온 삼림(森林)을 왕권(王權)으로 모두 공수(公收)하지는 못하였던 것이다. 이조초기(李朝初期)에 있어서의 집권층(執權層)은 그 대부분(大部分)이 고려조(高麗朝)에서의 권력층(權力層)이었던것 임으로 그들은 이미 전조시대(前朝時代)로부터 많은 사점림(私占林)을 보유(保有)하고 있었던 것이고 따라서 그들이 권력(權力)을 장악(掌握)하고 있는 한(限) 사점림(私占林)을 공수(公收)한다는 것은 어려운 일이었으며 그들은 오히려 권력(權力)을 이용(利用)하여 사점림(私占林)을 확대(擴大)하고 있었던 것이다. 또 왕자(王子)들도 묘지(墓地)를 빙자(憑藉)하여 주(主)로 도성주변(都城周邊)의 삼림(森林)을 광점(廣占)하고 있던 터에 성종(成宗)의 대(代) 이후(以後)로는 왕자신(王自身)이 금령(禁令)을 어기면서 왕자(王子)에게 삼림(森林)을 사급(賜給)하였음으로 16세기말(世紀末)에는 원도지방(遠道地方)에 까지 왕자(王子)들의 삼림사점(森林私占)이 확대(擴大)되었고 이에 편승(便乘)한 권신(權臣)들의 삼림사점(森林私占)도 전국(全國)으로 파급(波及)하였다. 임진왜란후(壬辰倭亂後)에 시작(始作)된 왕자(王子)에 대(對)한 시장절급(柴場折給)은 삼림(森林)의 상속(相續)과 매매(賣買)를 합법화(合法化)시켰고 이로 인(因)하여 봉건제하(封建制下)에서의 사유림(私有林)을 발생(發生)시키게 된 것이다. 그리하여 권신(權臣)들도 합법적(合法的)으로 삼림(森林)을 사점(私占)하게 되었고 따라서 이조시대(李朝時代) 임지제도(林地制度)의 기본(基本)이었던 시장사점금지(柴場私占禁止)의 제도(制度)는 건국초(建國初)로부터 실행(實行)된 일이 없었으며 오로지 국가(國家)의 삼림수용(森林收用)을 합법화(合法化)시키는 의제(擬制)에 불과(不過)하였던 것이다. 금산(禁山)은 그 이용(利用)과 관리제도(管理制度)의 불비(不備)로 인(因)하여 산하주민(山下住民)들의 염오(厭惡)의 대상(對象)이 되었음으로 주민(住民)들의 고의적(故意的)인 금산(禁山)의 파괴(破壞)는 처음부터 심(甚)하였고 이로 인(因)하여 국가(國家)에서는 용재림확보(用材林確保)를 위(爲)한 금산(禁山)의 증설(增設)을 거듭하였으나 관리제도(管理制度)의 개선(改善)이 수반(隨伴)되지 않았음으로 금산(禁山)의 황폐(荒廢)는 더욱 증대(增大)되었다. 영조(英祖)는 정국(政局)을 안정(安定)시키기 위(爲)하여 경국대전이후(經國大典以後) 남발(濫發)된 교령(敎令)과 법령(法令)을 정비(整備)하여 속대전(續大典)을 편찬(編纂)하고 삼림법령(森林法令)을 정비(整備)하여 도성주변(都城周邊)의 금산(禁山)과 각도(各道) 금산(禁山)의 명칭대신(名稱代身) 서기(西紀) 1699년(年) 이후(以後) 개칭(改稱)하여온 봉산(封山)의 금양(禁養)을 강화(强化)시키는 한편 사양산(私養山)의 권한(權限)을 인정(認定)하는 등(等) 적극적(積極的)인 육림정책(育林政策)을 퍼려하였으나 계속적(繼續的)인 권력층(權力層)의 삼림사점광대(森林私占廣大)는 농민(農民)들로부터 삼림(森林)을 탈취(奪取)하였고 농민(農民)들 이 삼림(森林)을 상실(喪失)함으로써 국가(國家)의 육림장려등(育林奬勵策)은 효과(効果)를 나타내지 못하였던 것이다. 임진왜란후(壬辰倭亂後)의 국정해이(國定解弛)로 인(因)한 묘지광점(墓地廣占), 왕자(王子)에 대(對)한 삼림(森林)의 절급(折給) 권세층(權勢層)에 대(對)한 산림사점(森林私占)은 인허(認許)하는 입안문서(立案文書)의 발행등(發行等)으로 법전상(法典上)의 삼임사점금지조항(森林私占禁止條項)은 사문화(死文化)되었고 이조말기(李朝末期)에 있어서는 사양산(私養山)의 강탈(强奪)도 빈발(頻發)하고 있음을 볼수 있다. 이와 같이 이조시대(李朝時代)의 시장사점금지조항(柴場私占禁止條項)은 오로지 농민(農民)에게만 적용(適用)되는 규정(規定)에 불과(不過)하였고 이로 인(因)하여 농민(農民)들의 육림의욕(育林意慾)은 상실(喪失)되었으며 약탈적(掠奪的)인 삼림(森林)의 채취이용(採取利用)은은 금산(禁山), 봉산(封山) 및 사양산(私養山)을 막론(莫論)하고 황폐(荒廢)시키는 결과(結果)를 자아냈으며 권력층(權力層)의 삼림점탈(森林占奪)에 대항(對抗)한 송계(松契)의 활동(活動)으로 일부(一部) 공산(公山)이 농민(農民)의 입회지(入會地)로서 보존(保存)되어왔다. 그럼에도 불구(不拘)하고 일제(日帝)는 이조말기(李朝末期)의 삼림(森林) 거의 무주공산(無主公山)이 었던것처럼, 이미 사문화(死文化)된 삼림사점금지조항(森林私占禁止條項)을 활용(活用)함으로써, 국가림(國有林)으로 수탈(收奪)한후(後) 식민정책(植民政策)에 이용(利用)하였던 것이나, 실제(實際)에 있어서 이조시대(李朝時代)의 삼림(森林)은 금산(禁山), 봉산(封山), 능원부속림등(陸園附屬林等)의 관금지(官禁地)와 오지름(奧地林)을 제외(除外)하고는 대부분(大部分)의 임지(林地)가 권세층(權勢層)의 사유(私有) 내지(乃至)는 사점하(私占下)에 있었던 것이다.