• American Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.57-97
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• 2019

This study seeks to reveal why the U.S. House Democrats showed different levels of support in the voting of the U.S.-Morocco FTA, U.S.-Bahrain FTA, and U.S.-Oman FTA. Existing studies focusing on the constituency or members' ideology do not properly account for the variance of these three FTA voting results. All of these FTAs, however, were promoted as a part of the president's foreign policies. If so, FTA support in Congress could depend on representatives' evaluation of the presidential foreign policy. Based on this, the study analyzes how representatives' evaluation of President Bush's foreign policy changed according to the period of the three FTA votes. The vote on the FTAs has been influenced by their evaluation of the presidential foreign and national security policies.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.33-52
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• 2017

This article tried to describe the laws concerning the enforcement of foreign arbitration awards in Indonesia. This issue is relevant in the light of frequent curiosity of foreign commentators, business communities, practicing lawyers, concerning the arbitration in Indonesia, in particular its enforcement of foreign arbitration awards. The main laws on arbitration analyzed were, firstly, the Indonesian law on arbitration, namely Law No 30 of 1999 on Arbitration and Alternative Dispute Resolution and the Presidential Regulation No 34 of 1981 concerning the Ratification of the New York Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards of 1958. The provisions of Law of 1999 analyzed were confined to its international provisions on arbitration, in particular the requirements for the enforcement of foreign arbitration awards and also the requirement that the awards do not violate Indonesian public policy. The problem with the Indonesian arbitration law (and the courts' practice) were that no provisions which provided guidance or meaning with regard to public policy. The absence or lack of guidance or definition on public policy had some times confused lawyers or the parties in dispute fearing that their arbitration awards would not be enforced due to the violation of public policy. Secondly was the different opinion of two Indonesian arbitration experts, Prof. Sudargo Gautama and Prof. Priyatna Abdurrasyid. Both scholars had rather different opinions with regard to the meaning of public policy in Indonesia. Thirdly was a recent case law, Astro Nusantara Bv et.al., vs PT Ayunda Primamitra Case (2010) decided by the Indonesian Supreme Court with regard to the enforcement of foreign arbitration awards. This article concluded that the Indonesian court, in particular the Central of Jakarta Court, so far have given its support that the execution of foreign awards was duly enforced.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.89-100
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• 2017

Last January 2017, Donald Trump was inaugurated as the 45th president of the United States. He actively claimed a priority for the United States, which is referred as America First, during his presidential campaign. However, his political assertions turned out to be as Isolationist in terms of foreign policy. It becomes a serious problem for South Korea because South Korea is solely dependent on the U.S. "Extended Deterrence" of North Korea's nuclear threats. In other words, there will be a higher likelihood for North Korea to misinterpret the relationship between South Korea and the U.S. Due to his foreign policy, there is a possible provocation by North Korea. Therefore, ROK-U.S. Alliance, the model of Asymmetry Alliance in order to prepare for North Korea's nuclear provocation, will be evaluated through America's perspective based on "Autonomy-Security Trade-off Model". For this purpose, this research will evaluate ROK-U.S. Alliance with regards to a threat perception, policy coordination, and a value as an ally. Based on the evaluation, it will deduce tactical implications of South Korea's alliance.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.309-318
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• 2017

This study is for analyzing the tone, the frame and the characteristics of political news in social media. Social news media is not same as old media in sharing news freely by SNS like tweeter, facebook and reporting, editing by anyone using SNS with various opinions. With Content analysis, sampling 419 cases from 'Wikitree' by the keyword, 'presidential election', all the full text analysed each how is social media making public opinion differently and which frame is using in. As the result, the social media has different tone, frame, and characteristic due to the reported figure, type of report, information source, attitude to the government, specifically shows a lack of in-depth report and distinct soft-journalism just same as old media's. Because the tone of social news media is not probable, specific but improbable, vague, using the irrational, strategic and episodic frame mainly.

• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.12 no.9
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• pp.113-123
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• 2014

Purpose - After Korea's Free Economic Zone (FEZ) system was launched in 2003, there have been many debates about upgrading it and its support systems. However, as of 2013, there were insufficient results. Further, upon the designation of the East Coast and Chungbuk as official FEZs from February 4, 2013 by the 56th the Commission, there is a concern that many people are in the area designated as FEZ 8. This study investigates Korea's new FEZ system as part of Korea's primary new economic development policy in the 21st century. Therefore, this study examines views on the weaknesses of the past ten years of FEZs so that Korea can expand its FEZ system. Research design, data, and methodology -Many countries have considered the FEZ as an economic special zone. By reviewing previous research models, this study provides an update using recent data and materials, until 2013, from the Center of Free Economic Zones. In previous studies, the lack of support systems was attributed to proposals to ensure operational autonomy and differentiation of each FEZ; however, the main cause cannot be solved through regulatory issues, as difficulties caused by the operational system are responsible for the problems. We wish to analyze the FEZ, specifically the operational system; this is the main issue of this study. Results - After the first FEZs were established, it became necessary to have basic plans, as investment results in 2013 compared to the same period this year led to lower earnings in the first half of 2014. We propose an improvement of the operational system because in the free economic zones, the operational system is the root cause of the underlying problem. The results of this research are as follows. The weak management of the FEZ system is influenced by weak investment, delayed development, foreigners' living facilities, benefits of foreign investments, the control tower's policy making decision process, quickness of the process of satisfying legal requirements, and support For the independence of FEZs. Conclusion - Local governments do not have legal rights over FEZ deregulation and investment industries. This study suggests that the local government should have more independence from the central government. Moreover, independent management committees are more effective for ensuring public rights, better employee responsibilities, and better-qualified personnel. The FEZ committee struggles to effectively manage the locations of FEZs, foreign investments, and related facilities under the control of the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Energy. Thus, the FEZ committee should be under either the Prime Minister's office or the Presidential committee, to control and effectively coordinate between the local and central governments. If the problem clearly applies to the operational system in 2013, it is necessary to provide materials and methods so that the results of the first half of 2014 can be computed despite the data limits and lack of resources, and the data can be analyzed in a more diachronic thesis.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.83-120
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• 2018

For Singapore, 2017 was an uneasy year. The presidential election was fraught with controversy since the revised Presidential Election Act allowed only one candidate to be eligible for the election. The bitter feud between Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and his siblings shocked many Singaporeans. Succession planning for the next top leadership is still veiled in obscurity. The anti-globalization trend and the increasing pressure to raise the tax have become major challenges for Singapore's economy to overcome. China's continuous diplomatic pressure has called into the question Singapore's pragmatic foreign policy. Although its relations with China were back to normal, Singapore, the ASEAN chair in 2018, is still facing intractable problems in safeguarding ASEAN centrality in the growing US-China rivalry. In the meantime, Singapore has pursued its diversity and equality, heading toward a more matured multi-racial and multi-cultural society in 2017. The first female president, Halimah Yacob, served as a symbolic epitome of Singapore's emphasis on diversity and harmony among different ethnic groups and minorities. This great milestone, however, has largely been questioned by Singaporeans, as it seemed to be a political gesture that only utilized Halimah's double minority in the level of ideologies. The election of the Malay president has led Singaporeans to think about the real equity and equality among minorities, while strongly motivated to move toward a more inclusive society. In 2018, Singaporean leaders will try to resolve many challenging problems by reaffirming leadership succession planning, which is expected to lead Singapore to pursue a more integrated society.

• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2008

The Korean government has tried to increase the total national R&D investment and, to streamline acts and regulations concerning national R&D activities. Korea's total R&D expenditure in the field of S&T for the year 2006 amounted to about 27.3 trillion won including government R&D of 8.9trillion won. The Korean government enacted several pieces of legislation concerning S&T: the "Technology Transfer Promotion Act (1999)" ; the "Framework Act on Science and Technology (2000)", and the "Presidential Regulation for Managing the Government R&D Programs (2001)." With these efforts the capacity of Korea S&T has made great strides recently. But for years Korea has run a severe deficit of technology trade. The Korea's balance ratio of technology trade is 0.36 (export/import). It means that Korean industry excessively depends on foreign resource in introducing new technologies. The Korean government has put a lot of effort into promoting the commercialization of technologies developed in universities. The public technology transfer policy of the government has improved the infrastructure of technology transfer and commercialization. However, the government has realized that these policies have not been as effective as they were anticipated. In spite of these various efforts, the technologies obtained from the government R&D Programs have not been transferred to the Korean industry properly. Only 13.6% of technologies developed in universities for the year 2005 were transferred to industry. The academic royalty revenues for the year was 0.15% of their total R&D expenditure It shows only a twentieth of the percentage of royalty revenues for the American universities. The reasons of poor commercialization of academic technologies are intermingled with imperfection of technology transfer system, lack of licensing experience, immaturity of socio-economic circumstance and inadequacy of legal system and government policy. In this study we analyzed the problems of legal system and policy in licensing of government R&D outputs and suggested proper alternatives.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.83-105
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• 2017

In contemporary society interest in and consumption of beauty treatment are increasing, raising interest in health and beauty. However, beauty-related laws are becoming factors of hindrance of beauty development. Currently the Public Health Control Act plays a basic role in the beauty art business in Korea, However the contents are in discord with international laws and its definition is not clear. Therefore it is causing conflicts of different occupations and job associations which are similar to art business. Especially, because neither definitions nor policies on beauty care devices exist in the Public Health Control Act, beauty care devices using in foreign countries cannot be used in Korea due to classification as medical devices. Under this circumstance, therefore, beauty care device uses by beauty artists violate the law. The government has tried to solve these irrational regulations. Recently, the Small and Medium Business Administration announced 'the improvement plan of small business and young founders site regulation for public economy recovery' in a ministerial meeting on December 28, 2016. Regulations on policy preparation for skincare devices were inclusive in this announcement. It is the question whether the regulations will be executed or not. Even though beauty industrial competitiveness was presented in the 18th Presidential Council on National Competitiveness in 2009, it was not practiced. The proposal bills for beauty law improvement have been put forth several times since 2000 including an improvement plan for regulating beauty care devices. However, so far there have been no improvements. The damage on the regulation classifying beauty devices as medical devices is not only restricted to skincare. This develops beauty devices and the beauty industry which imports and exports beauty devices. When beauty devices are exported, complicated procedures are unavoidable and when beauty devices are imported, irrational problems like reregistration procedures and costs occur. The reason why an improvement plan has not gone into practice is the resistance of the dermatologists' association. Dermatologists tend to stand positively against harming public health by saying that beauty devices used by beauty artists cause people to suffer side effects. In contrast, anyone who has a licence to use beauty devices is able to use them in foreign countries. It is not only infringement of one's right as a beauty artist but also people's right to receive beauty care services. With this reason, Korean's current law under which beauty devices are ruled as medical devices should be revised with accordance to domestic surroundings. Therefore in order to advance and globalize the beauty industry, the support and cooperation of the Korean government and relevant associations is needed to legislate and revise the beauty devices laws. The relevant associations abandon regional self-centeredness and cooperate to define ranges, size and management of beauty devices for safe use. If no collaboration exists, an arbitration agency should be established to solve the problem.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.23-40
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• 2019

The main purpose of this study is to analyze and examine the problems of the law systems of the safety and maintenance of nuclear facilities and to propose the improvements with respect to the related problems especialy focused on safety management of aquatic products. Therefore, the results of the paper would be helpful to build an effective management law system of safety and maintenance of nuclear facilities and fisheries products. The research methods are longitudinal and horizontal studies. This study compares domestic policies with foreign policies of nuclear plants and aquatic products. Using the above methods, examining the current system of nuclear-related laws and regulations, we have found that there exist 13 Acts including "Nuclear Safety Act", etc. Safety laws related on nuclear facilities have seven Acts including "Nuclear Safety Act", "the Act on Physical Protection and Radiological Emergency", "Radioactive waste control Act", "Act on Protective Action Guidelines against Radiation in the Natural Environment", "Special Act on Assistance to the locations of facilities for disposal low and intermediate level radioactive waste", "Korea Institute of Nuclear Safety Act". "Act on Establishment and Operation of the Nuclear Safety and Security Commission". The seven laws are composed of 119 legislations. They have 112 lower statute of eight Presidential Decrees, six Primeministrial Decrees and Ministrial Decrees, 92 administrative rules (orders), 6 legislations of local self-government aself-governing body. The concluded proposals of this paper are as follows. Firstly, we propose that the relationship between the special law and general law should be re-established. Secondly, the terms with respect to law system of safety and maintenance of nuclear plants should be redefined and specified. Thirdly, it is advisable to re-examine and re-establish the Law System for Safety and Maintenance of Nuclear Facilities. and environmental rights like the French Nuclear Safety Legislation. Lastly, inadequate legislation on the aquatic pollution damage should be re-established. It is necessary to ensure sufficient transparency as well as environmental considerations in the policy decisions of the Korean government and legislation of the National Assembly. It is necessary to further study the possibilities of accepting the implications of the French legal system as a legal system in Korea. In conclusion, the safety management of nuclear facilities is not only focused on the secondary industry and the tertiary industry centering on power generation and supply, but also on the primary industry, which is the food of the people. It is necessary to prevent damage to be foreseen. Therefore, it is judged that there should be no harm to the people caused by contaminated marine products even if the "Food Safety Law for Prevention of Radiation Pollution Damage" is enacted.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.95-129
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• 2017

This study surveys and reviews political change, economic performance, and regional cooperation that were carried out in 2016 by Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN. This paper reports that what has followed the inauguration of new governments in Myanmar, the Philippines, Vietnam, and Laos fails to live up to the expectation and optimism that arose in the aftermath of elections and party congresses that took place in the first half of the year. In other countries such as Malaysia, Thailand, and Cambodia, where authoritarian regimes are faced with strong oppositions, the prospects for democratic change worsened to a substantial degree, as schisms and internal strives complicated the opposition camp as a result of instigation and intervention by the authoritarian leaders and their followers. In stable political systems, both democratic and authoritarian, no significant changes that may entail serious political implications were noticed. In 2016, the national economy of almost each and every country continued its slow but steady recovery that had started in 2014 and grew by 5% on the average. For 2017 onward, however, the earlier optimism that it would grow at least as fast dimmed down as uncertainty about the world economy looms larger due to the unexpected win by Donald Trump as U.S. president and the expected 'hard landing' of the Chinese economy around 2018. ASEAN declared the launch of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC) only one day before the New Year, but its track record looked already bad and unpromising by the end of 2016. ASEAN leaders were tied up by their domestic politics and affairs too tightly to take time off to work seriously to observe the schedule as laid out in the AEC Blueprint 2025. Korea's relationship with Southeast Asian countries and ASEAN was "as good as it gets" in 2016 as ever but could become subject to tough review in the near future, if the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is found out to have been implicated in the ongoing Choi Sun Sil scandal and if the opposition wins the next presidential election to be held by this year.