• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
• /
• v.12 no.1
• /
• pp.41-56
• /
• 2021

Purpose - This empirical study examined the influence of post-communist countries sociol-political factor of freedom of expression preconditioning, and trust in agency, mediating performance expectancy of social media users representing the citizens' behavioural intention to utilize social media in a post-communist country, the case of Mongolia. Design/methodology/approach - This research collected 403 valid survey data from citizens those who use social media in Mongolia. The study used Partial Least Squire (PLS) analysis with the research conceptual model founded on the UTAUT model. Findings - The study shown that citizens in post-communist, they strongly willing freedom of expression, which driving as a positive precondition factor, and this has an indirect positive influence, and trust in agency mediates to enhance performance expectancy. Social influence, and effort expectancy factors have direct positive influence on the intention to use of social media systems in the public sector domain of Mongolia. Research implications or Originality - This research proposed a new model to test citizens' intention to use social media as a communication tool to engage with public organizations in the pre-adoption stage of post-communist countries. Theoretically, this research builds up to the unique theoretical contribution with social media by examining a new social media-based third-party intercommunication medium, incorporating intent to utilize for citizens with government in post-communist countries. Practically, this article lays out the directions to aid social media usage for government sector with concerning citizens intentions in the post-communist situation.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
• /
• v.11 no.2
• /
• pp.61-79
• /
• 2020

Purpose - This article empirically investigated the effects of the socio-political factor of censorship preconditioning, and organizational support, mediating performance expectancy of public sector officials' behavioural intention to utilise social media in a post-communist country, Mongolia. Design/methodology/approach - This study collected 212 survey data from public sector organisations in Mongolia. Using the Partial Least Squire (PLS) method, this study analyzed the proposal model grounded on the UTAUT model. Findings - There are still communist footprints in the form of censorship, which remained as a negative precondition factor, and this has an indirect negative influence, and organisational support mediates to enhance performance expectancy. Effort expectancy and social influence factors have direct positive influence on the use of social media systems in the government domain of Mongolia Research implications or Originality - This study empirically investigated the model of public employees' intention to examine the post-communist countries' cultural, social, economic, and political systems, government organisational environment of the former communist sphere. The cultural factors, censorship and organisational support, to the existing IT adoption UTAUT model were also identified to test the situation of a post-communist country, Mongolia. This study contributes to the new theoretical involvement with social media by testing a new social media-based third-party intercommunication channel, including intent to use in the public service for post-communist countries. This study practically provides the guidelines to promote social media usage for public sector in the post-communist situation.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
• /
• v.10 no.4
• /
• pp.39-66
• /
• 2022

Modern Bulgarian nationalists aspired towards incorporating the self-identified Bulgarian lands into the Bulgarian state. The Treaty of San Stefano ending the Russo-Turkish War of 1877-78 tantalizingly achieved these so-called national ideals. Great Power diplomacy quickly diminished Bulgaria's borders and international legal status with the 1878 Treaty of Berlin, exacerbating nationalist grievances. Bulgaria would expand vast resources to restore the San Stefano borders until Balkan Communist authoritarian regimes eventually suppressed the Macedonian issue as a foreign policy subject. Sofia's policy towards its neighbor has been overdetermined by the efforts of successive Bulgarian governments to institutionalize post-communist Bulgaria's own national identity. Bulgaria's integration into so-called Euro-Atlantic structures, i.e., NATO and the EU, had been the primary strategic objective of the Bulgarian authorities since the end of the Zhivkov regime. North Atlantic community security policy aims in response to the earliest post-Cold War foreign policy crises in the Western Balkans framed the parameters of Bulgarian diplomacy. The stabilization of FYROM in 2001, followed by Bulgaria's 2007 EU accession, led to Bulgarian nationalist values become more salient in Bulgarian politics and foreign policy. Sofia-Skopje relations are a test case for the effects of Europeanization on interdependent Balkan ethno-sectarian nationalisms and state territorial institutional development.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.12 no.1
• /
• pp.7-47
• /
• 2020

This article is a sub-section of a comparative analysis of depictions of violence in Jakarta's Museum of the Indonesian Communist Party's Treachery, Ho Chi Minh City's War Remnants Museum, and Phnom Penh's Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum. In comparing these public history sites, I analyze how memories of mass violence were central to state formation in both Suharto's anti-Communist New Order (1966-1998), the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (1976-present), and Cambodia since the collapse of Democratic Kampuchea (1979-present). While this comparison points out specific distinctions about the role of the military, the nature of revolution, and conceptions of gender, it argues for a central similarity in the use of a mythology of victimization in building these post-conflict nation-states. This article focuses on my gendered analysis of the use of images of women and children in each museum. Depending on context and political purpose, these museums cast women as tragic victim, revolutionary heroine, or threat to the social order. My analysis of gender places stereotypical images of violence against women (the trope of women and children as the ultimate victims) in conversation with dark fantasies of women as perpetrators of savage violence and heroic images of women liberated by participation in violence.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
• /
• v.25 no.4
• /
• pp.31-38
• /
• 2014

The present research aimed at researching the relationships among place attachment, residential evaluations and satisfaction in a medium-sized post-communist Romanian city. Studies on post-communist cities are scarce and this research tried to fill that gap. This research is part of a government project that intended to significantly reform three medium-sized cities in the Western part of Romania and transform the urban space. Since the three of them are relatively small-sized and close spatially, the project intends to undertake massive reforms of the communications and services of the three cities. In this article, we report findings on the city of Hunedoara. A representative random sample was selected, and a total of 384 people were interviewed, with an overall reliability of the sample of 95%. The instruments used to gather the data were the Neighbourhood Perceived Environmental Quality Scale and a composite measure of place attachment was also included. The structure of each scale was checked using exploratory factor analysis. We tested alternative causal models using structural equations modelling. Our model showed a good fit to the data and explains satisfaction in the city adequately. Results show that satisfaction is directly predicted by the general evaluation of the city and by residential privacy. Residential noise and place attachment influence satisfaction indirectly. The results are discussed and some policy recommendations are formulated.

• East Asian Journal of Business Economics (EAJBE)
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.8-16
• /
• 2015

In the later quarter of the twentieth century, the need for foreign capital is realized among the various countries of the world. Developing countries especially developed multi-pronged strategies to attract foreign capital into the country. One such strategy is the adoption of liberalization policy. Almost all the developing countries started opening their economy, out of the compulsion, to achieve faster rate of economic growth and development. Even a communist country like China adopted liberalization policy as a strategy for accelerated economic growth during 1979. India also joined the race by 1991, when the government announced the policy of liberalization. The importance of FDI extends beyond the financial capital that flows into the country. The huge size of the market in this sector and high returns on investment are two important factors in boosting FDI inflows to power sector. 100 percent FDI is allowed under automatic route in almost all the sub sectors of power sector except the atomic energy. Major foreign investment is made in this sector during 2000 to 2009 is Mauritius with an investment of US$ 4490.96 i.e., 4.24 percent of the total FDI inflows into the country during the period. The estimation of future FDI flow shows a marginal decline in the year 2010. Then from 2011 to 2015 onwards upward trend of FDI was observed.

• SUVANNABHUMI
• /
• v.16 no.1
• /
• pp.103-123
• /
• 2024

The traumatic experiences of people from peripheral islands are susceptible to mnemocide. Such erasure of memory is facilitated by "defensive and complicit forgetting," which, according to Aleida Assmann, leads to "protection of perpetrators." My paper reflects on the vulnerability of traumas from the islands to mnemocide by looking into [1] the massacre of communists and civilians on Jeju Island, South Korea in 1948 as described in Hyun-Kil Un's short story "Dead Silence" (2017; English trans.) and [2] the eviction of residents and indigenous people from Calauit Island, Philippines for the creation of a safari in 1976 as imagined in Annette A. Ferrer's "Pablo and the Zebra" (2017). In "Dead Silence," I direct the attention to how to the execution of the villagers-witnesses to the death of the communist guerillas-is a three-pronged violence: it is a transgression committed against the innocent civilians; an act of "erasing traces to cover up" the military crackdown on the island; and, by leaving the corpses out in the open, a display of impunity. In "Pablo and the Zebra," I second that both residents (i.e., humans and animals) experience post-traumatic stress because of their respective displacements; thus, the tension between them has got to stop. Curiously, while it concludes with a reconciliatory gesture between an elder and a zebra, no character demanded a reparation for their traumatic past per se. Could the latter be symptomatic of a silence that lets such violence "remain concealed for a long time"?

• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
• /
• no.35
• /
• pp.107-144
• /
• 2018

This paper summarizes the genealogy of post-war Zainichi magazines in Japan until 1959 and examines their meaning in the context of magazine history in Japan. The purpose of this paper is to prepare the framework to view characteristics of Zainichi magazines in Japan after the war until the present from a continuous and comprehensive perspective. Zainichi, who were left behind in Japan after the war began to project diverse aspects of their lives onto magazines. Despite the poor publishing environment, censorship of GHQ, shortage of writers and financial limitations, the Zainichi society did not give up the public sphere of magazines. The confusion in this time period acted as an element to expose limitations of Zainichi magazines in Japan. Most of magazines published in 1940s and 50s had to focus on political propaganda within the political frame, and many of such magazines were only published for a short term. In other words, it is ambiguous to define the majority of them as 'magazines' and a considerable number of them cannot even confirm the existence, making it difficult to examine the whole picture of magazines from this period. However, recently excavated materials indicate that most of Zainichi magazines in Japan attempted to reflect the reality of the Zainichi society in various ways, though they were confined in the political frame. The process in which language of magazines was changed from Korean language to Japanese and then again to Korean language suggests that Zainichi magazines in Japan tried to consistently express their existence in 'ethnicity,' 'homeland' and beyond, mediated by 'politics' and 'culture.' Moreover, the experience of seeking for the possibility of Zainichi culture in Japan from the flow of cultural movements in Japan during 1950s is an experience of seeking for a popular 'expression' that overcomes the political conflict of homeland. This reveals the diversity the Zainichi society to occur afterwards. A more precise study on individual magazines published during this period would be necessary in the future.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
• /
• no.7
• /
• pp.125-163
• /
• 2009

The artworks of Socialist Realism of the former Soviet Union, with the beginning of the 21st century, are gaining a new attention from art collectors. One reason for this might consist in the fact that relevant art pieces exemplify the ways in which they visualize ideas on the basis of their high-profile art tradition and also in which they integrate their utopian ideals with mysticism. These aspects of the Soviet art goes far beyond the wide-spread assumption that their art, as a means of propaganda, principally represents a political allegiance to the system. With Stalin coming into power in the 1930s, the artistic trend of Socialist Realism obtained a nationwide sympathy and support from people, giving birth to a new art which essentially corresponded to the demands of the political power. An official art current of the USSR over the period from the 1930s to 1950s, Socialist Realism was in tandem with the Communist commitment to the party and popularity, symbolizing a loyalty to the cause. It was thus characterized by plainness and lucidity so that ordinary people could gain easy access to art. Its salient feature, over an entire range of art, was an optimistic pursuit of a utopian dream. Therefore, it tallied with the popular sentiment for a Communist paradise, giving form to their beliefs in human agency working at the materialist world and also to such abstract concepts as force, fitness, and beauty by adding even mythical ideals. Its main subject matter includes harvest feasts of collective farms, imaginary socialist cities, grand marches of heroic laborers and in this way it served as a propaganda for a sacred utopia of socialist totalitarianism. On the other end of the spectrum, however, rose the second camp of art, which put an emphasis on bona-fide artistic activities of plastic art and on an artist's personal expression and freedom, as opposed to the surface optimism of Socialist Realism. Central to the Russian Avant Garde art, which prized the above-mentioned values, were Malevich's Geometric Abstraction and A. Rodchenko's Constructivism. Furthermore, in the transitional era of the late 20th century and the 21st century it was recognized that film art or electronic media art, rather than traditional genre of paintings, would function as a more efficient way of propaganda. These new genres were made possible by ridiculing the stereotypes of the Russian lifestyle and also by ignoring ethical or professional dimensions of artworks. That is, they reinvented themselves into a sort of field art, seemingly degrading the quality of artworks and transforming them into artifacts or simulacres in the very sense of post-modernism. The advent of the new era brought about the formation and occupation of pop culture of the younger generations, calling into question the idea of art as the class-determined. It also increased the attention to field art, which extensively found way to modern art centers, galleries, and exhibition projects. It can be stated that this was a natural outcome of human nature.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
• /
• v.11 no.4
• /
• pp.177-192
• /
• 2023

A prerequisite for a lasting ceasefire is the emergence of a prevailing view in Moscow and Kyiv that the fighting has reached a hurting stalemate. In sum, they both lose more through continuing warfare than by a ceasefire. This study applies social identity dynamics of nationalism to this escalatory conflict. It generates findings that imply that China as a third-party great power intervening mediator can potentially play a pivotal role. Shifting the respective prevailing views in Moscow and Kyiv of their interaction from a zero-sum foundation requires proffering powerful economic and political third-party incentives. Effective inducement would facilitate national defense, development and prestige for Moscow as well as Kyiv. China arguably has the underutilized potential power capabilities necessary to alter the respective prevailing views of strategic relationships among the great powers within Moscow, Brussels and Washington. A prerequisite for success in striving effectively towards this strategic goal is cooperation with the Beijing despite skepticism from Washington. This study utilizes a process tracing methodological approach. It highlights that the foundations of the Russo-Ukraine war lie in the institutionalization within Euro-Atlantic integration of the Cold War assumption that the USSR was an imperialist revisionist actor. Russia is the USSR's successor state. Moscow's prevailing view is that Russian national self-determination was unjustly circumscribed in the multinational Soviet totalitarian Communist system. The Euro-Atlantic community is perceived as a neocolonial imperial threat by allying with post-1991 Ukrainian nationalism at Russia's expense. The study finds that acknowledging Eurasian regional multipolarity is necessary, if not sufficient, to coopt Beijing into a global political stabilization strategy. It functionally aims to promote international balancing to lessen potentials for horizontal as well as vertical escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian conflict.