• Journal of the Korean Institute of Gas
• /
• v.5 no.4 s.16
• /
• pp.8-20
• /
• 2001

Neoliberalism became a catch word of a post-cold war era. It began to develop in the middle of welfare state crisis in developed countries. It promoted both a unified world market through mutual penetration of national boundaries in International scene and maximization of efficiency through market competition in domestic scene. Privatization of public corporations is a major policy to pursue market efficiency through deregulation. Two reasons are often adduced to support the cause The socio-economic changes diminished the necessity to establish public corporation on the one hand. On the other hand gross inefficiency has been observed in the management of public corporation. 'Government failure' is an apt expression of the inefficiency. In analysing the experiences of privatization of utility industries of some other countries we found a couple of lessons for a Korean case. First, it is doubtful if privatization, that is a change in the form of ownership, is a necessary condition for achieving market efficiency. Because it is possible to operate a mechanism of market competition while maintaining competition among public corporations and with private actors. Second, the patron-agent dilemma is often cited as a major culprit of an inefficient management of public corporations. But it is without saying that the dilemma is also found in the management of private firms. So, the issue is not the privatization per se but to realize responsible management through discipline and incentives.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.16
• /
• pp.168-206
• /
• 2001

This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.13 no.2
• /
• pp.475-487
• /
• 2013

The aim of this study is to examine an existence of mutual interdependency in terms of military expenditure and arms imports between Northeast Asian countries such as South Korea, North Korea, China, Japan, and U.S. Recently, the mood of post cold war and intensified globalization lead to be disarmament in pursuing a policy on national defence in many countries. Since potential menace to national security has been receiving more concern rather than a direct armed clash, mutual interdependency on military spending should be fully understood. For a methodological tools, ${\beta}$ and ${\sigma}$-convergences, convergence with rational expectation, and Granger causality test are employed. Empirical evidence shows that the convergences which are evaluated by ${\beta}$, ${\sigma}$, and by a model based on rational expectation are in general revealed, and differences are more sensitive to a military decision making procedures. Granger causality, however, is not being existed. To this end, it would be concluded that the Northeast Asian countries are going with a trend in the world than forming their own tendency in this region.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
• /
• s.4
• /
• pp.83-118
• /
• 2006

This study is to develop digital leadership in a field of national defense. Today, korean society is facing the crisis of national security. But national defense leadership is not show in the circumstance of national security crisis. As you know, national defense leadership is a process that make use of influence. Which means it converges people's interest and demands well and also show people the right vision of national defense and make them to comply the policy about national security. Because of the environmental change, our national defense leadership is having a new turning point. First, international order, which is under post-cold war, raises possibility of guarantee of peace and security in international society but also, cause the increase of multiple uncertainty and small size troubles in security circumstance. In addition, Korean society is rushing into democratization and localization period by success in peaceful change of political power went through about three times. The issue of political neutralization of military is stepping into settlement but still, negative inheritance of old military regime is worrying about it. In this situation, we can't expect rise in estimation about the importance of security and military's reason for being. So, military have to give their concern to not only internal maintenance of order and control and growth of soldiers but also developing external leadership to strength influence to society and military's the reason for being. So for these alternative I'm suggesting a digital leadership of national defense which fits digital era. This digital leadership is the leadership which can accept and understand digital technology and lead the digital organization. To construct digital national defense we need a practical leadership. The leadership has to be digital leadership with digital competence that can direct vision of digital national defense and carry out the policy. A leader who ha s digital leadership can lead the digital society. The ultimate key to construct digital government, digital corporate and digital citizen depends on digital leader with digital mind. To be more specific, digital leadership has network leadership, next generation leadership, knowledge driven management leadership, innovation oriented leadership. A leader with this kind of leadership is the real person with digital leadership. From now on, to rise this, we have to build up human resource development strategy and develop educational training program.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
• /
• s.8
• /
• pp.239-270
• /
• 2010

This thesis is to make an appropriate national defense policy of Republic of Korea through studying the Hegemony Strategy of United States. I searched the theory of hegemony. The hegemony was differently defined by the point of time and region. The strong power nations with the hegemony have been making efforts to maintain their hegemony everytime. I have conclusion that the presence of hegemony once emerged, it brought regional stability in place whether it is coercive or beneficial. The stability and instability of international order IS not exclusively dependent on hegemony. Even if the safety of hegemony cannot guarantee absolute stability of international order, there IS on doubt that the hegemony has enormous impact on that. According to the hegemonic theory, the history of mankind equals to the history of rising and falling hegemony. The international order was changed as the hegemony changes. The United States has been making efforts to maintain her global hegemony during the post cold-war era as well. Taking all these into consideration, relevant military strategy direction able to pursue national interest is that to make up for the relative weakness in the strategic environment. South Korea have to prepare security policy response as following. First, South Korea should build the military force equipped with advanced weapons in military technology sector and solidify military diplomatic relation able to form cooperative relation in wartime. Second, South Korea should make solid Alliance of Korea and U.S. Third, develop and maintain multilateral security cooperation of East Asia. Forth, we could realize that there are means that can neutralize opponent's strong point by seeking one or two and more asymmetry in the aspect of strategy, tactics, and means through asymmetric strategy. Than the military force of South Korea should develop into a force that is able to overcome to the traditional North Korea's threat and new type of conflicts. And the force should have sufficient strength and be deployed to effectively defend the Korean Peninsula. So, we need to establish a denial and defense system against any hostile neighboring country. Therefore, ROK military forces preparing for the future should try to construct a future military power to gradually establish enough strength for self-defense to prepare for a uncertain security environment and when the Korean Peninsula is unified in a future.

• Korean Security Journal
• /
• no.42
• /
• pp.229-249
• /
• 2015

As the post-cold war era and globalization go on, national security problems which were not traditional national security problems such as terrorism, crime, environmental disasters, economic crises, cyber-terrorism, diseases, and energy problems threat humanity and nations and demands changes. Also, with the change, the concept of "big government" has emerged as the role of nation expanded. The modern society sees every country change from small government to big government in order to realize the establishment of welfare state. A comprehensive interpretation of security is needed in order to comprehensive protection of citizens beyond outside invasion such as crime, new disaster, terrorism. In Korea, incidents such as Cheonan-Ham, Yeonpeyong-Do, foot-and-mouth disease, Ddos terrorism, pirates hostages, mad cow disease, AI are happening and the humanitarian support for North Korea and the summit of South and North Korea are at a standstill. Also, National emergency management system, comprehensive emergency management center, countrol tower, national security system, cooperation with citizens, establishment of legal and institutional system are needed. The importance of this research is on the reestablishment of new national security and emergency management system according to the comparison between the national security and counter-terrorism system of Korea and that of the United States which is a leading country in this field. Also, the establishment of national emergency management act is needed as a statute for effective function as currently various laws and administrative organizations are dispersed.

• International Area Studies Review
• /
• v.15 no.2
• /
• pp.403-425
• /
• 2011

Canada became the first OECD/DAC member state that legislated the ODA Accountability Act in 2008, which prescribe Canada ODA policies to meet the guidelines and norms of international human rights while other OECD/DAC member states was just emphasizing the importance of abiding by the international human rights norms. Paying attention to the Canadian case, this article critically examines under what structural environments and process this Act was passed. This article argues that the legislation of the ODA Accountability Act is closely related with Canada's international position as middle power and diplomatic strategies. Bring up the human security issues as a niche market, Canada demonstrates the characteristics of middle power state by emphasizing human rights agenda as new foreign policy strategies. Reflecting on the negative outcomes from neoliberal aid policy of structural adjustment and promoting the new aid norms in post cold war era would also help foster the enabling environment for the value-oriented aid policies and enactment of the Accountability Act. Civil society organizations were also playing catalyst role in constructing Canada's state identity of human rights defender.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
• /
• v.14 no.4
• /
• pp.27-52
• /
• 2011

The regions of Central Asia have each acquired an elevated strategic importance in the new security paradigm of post-September 1lth. Comprised of five states, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, Central Asia's newly enhanced strategic importance stems from several other factors, ranging from trans-national threats posed by Islamic extremism, drug production and trafficking, to the geopolitical threats inherent in the region's location as a crossroads between Russia, Southwest Asia and China. Although the U.S. military presence in the region began before September 11th, the region became an important platform for the projection of U.S. military power against the Taliban in neighboring Afghanistan. The analysis goes on to warn that 'with US troops already in place to varying extents in Central Asian states, it becomes particularly important to understand the faultlines, geography, and other challenges this part of the world presents'. The Kyrgyz military remains an embryonic force with a weak chain of command, the ground force built to Cold War standards, and an almost total lack of air capabilities. Training, discipline and desertion - at over 10 per cent, the highest among the Central Asian republics - continue to present major problems for the creation of combat-effective armed forces. Kyrgyzstan has a declared policy of national defence and independence without the use of non-conventional weapons. Kyrgyzstan participates in the regional security structures, such as the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) and the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO) but, in security matters at least, it is dependent upon Russian support. The armed forces are poorly trained and ill-equipped to fulfil an effective counter-insurgency or counter-terrorist role. The task of rebuilding is much bigger, and so are the stakes - the integrity and sovereignty of the Kyrgyz state. Only democratization, the fight against corruption, reforms in the military and educational sectors and strategic initiatives promoting internal economic integration and national cohesion hold the key to Kyrgyzstan's lasting future

• The Southeast Asian review
• /
• v.27 no.4
• /
• pp.1-40
• /
• 2017

This study aims to examine the electricity/energy regime of Thailand, the largest energy-hungry country in the Mekong region. This study examined how the electricity/energy regime of Thailand has been shaped and changed up to the present, not only at the national level but also at the sub-regional level covering the Mekong region. Meanwhile, according to the Paris Agreement in 2015, which will get in to effect from 2020, developing countries as well as developed countries have been given voluntary responsibilities and reduction obligations in response to global climate change. Under the post 2020 Climate Change Regime, Thailand also needs to revise its existing electricity/energy policy. We reviewed the recent energy policy of Thailand and evaluated the possibility of transition to a sustainable energy system based on Energy Trilemma's analysis framework. And we examined the roles and impacts of the Thai civil society on the national power and energy planning as well as in the future climate change policy. As a result of the analysis, it can be seen that Thailand's electricity/energy regime has grown rapidly through the support of the West countries under the Cold War era. In particular, Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand(EGAT) played the key role in Thailand's energy policy. In addition, Thailand's geopolitical location and relatively high economic level compared to neighboring countries will continue to be of importance in the future construction of power grids in the region. Meanwhile, in the frame of Energy Trilemma, Thailand has still been vulnerable to environmental sustainability. Thai NGOs have resisted to as well as collaborated with the government to influence the existing electricity/energy policy in the various dimensions but their influence has weakened considerably since the coup in 2014. In conclusion, this study suggests to cooperate with government as well as civil society for sustainable energy transformation of Thailand and Mekong region.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
• /
• v.29 no.2
• /
• pp.171-197
• /
• 2023

The traditional Korean society has been classified as an Eastern collectivist culture, but in the flow of globalization and digitalization along with the post-Cold War era of the 1970s, Western individualistic culture and values quickly permeated the Korean younger generation. Since rapid changes occurred within a short period of time, there may be differences in cultural self-construal between generations living in the same era. Due to this, psychological problems related to emotional expression and suppression may appear differently depending on generations. Therefore, in the current study, 1,000 Korean adult men and women from their 20s to 60s were investigated for their level of independent and interdependent self-construal, alexithymia, ambivalence over emotional expression(AEE) and emotional suppression(ES). Then the relationship between the variables(self-construal and alexithymia,) and the mediating process of AEE and ES were examined. The generation of participants were divided into the industrialization cohort (birth year < 1970) and the digitalization cohort (birth year starting from 1970). Using the PROCESS macro(Hayes, 2022), we tested a serial mediation model of AEE and ES between the relative independent self-construal(RIS) and alexithymia. The results indicate that the level of alexithymia increases by the serial increase of AEE and ES when RIS decreases. Next, we examined a moderation effect of generatione on the mediation process of AEE and ES, and found that generation moderates the relationship between ES and alexithymia. That is, the effect of ES on alexithymia is significant for the digitalization cohort, while it is not significant for the industrialization cohort. The current results imply that emotion regulation strategies of Koreans have been differently developed according to prevailing cultural values in each generation, and that the negative influence of emotion suppression could be different according to the cultural background of each generation.