• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.1 no.2
• /
• pp.243-270
• /
• 2017

The purposes of this paper are twofold: First, to discuss ways and limits of studying politics scientifically; second, to examine group theories to the study of political science. To answer the first question, I examine philosophy of science, methods of scientific research, and limits of scientific study of politics. As a subject matter itself, political science involves the study of human beings and the discovery of explanations for the political behavior that they exhibit. This discovery of regularities of behavior in politics inevitably requires that human beings act consistently or discoverable manner. I argue that the best way of studying politics as much as possible is to combine traditional and scientific approaches depending upon issues, The second section of this paper will examine one of important middle-range theory of politics; group theories (approaches). Examining this will show strength and limits of studying politics scientifically. The group approaches examine the importance of role that people hold in the political system as well as the relationship between the action of collective group and its impact on the political behavior. Overall, the group approaches tend to deal with individuals in specific societal contexts and with varying distributions of power between the actors. This group approaches are premised on the belief that political activity involves more than just one individual, political activity occurs instead through individual actors in particular settings. I argued that group theories have some explanatory power and descriptive richness, though it has limitations.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.45
• /
• pp.187-219
• /
• 2009

Under the pressure of the selection of topics and the presentation rules of mass media, politics in media society increasingly resort to professionalized forms of theatrical staging as a means of self-portrayal. Although these staging methods are not contradictory to what is actually going on in politics, they strongly advantage the tendency to focus exclusively on the staging of an event. Through their competition for public attention, politicians have been developing sophistication regarding placement and staging of events as well as regarding factual information. In the process of this transformation, politics that are issue-related and based on binding decisions are being gradually transformed into symbolic politics. Moreover, through their appearance on TV, politicians first of all need to possess presentational skills which are not necessarily related to their political achievements. Still, presentational skills decide over the success in politics of those politicians. The reason is that a politician who possesses presentational skills is still being perceived as being successful even if his political achievements notedly lag behind. On the other hand, political achievements are being underrated if a politician lacks the talent to present himself in front of the media. “The staging of politics, “politainment”, on the stage of mass media is evolving into a key structure which is responsible for a new coinage of politics in all different kinds of dimensions: the selection of staff, the role of action programs and their impact for the legitimation of political acting, even in relation to therole of pivotal political institutions such as parties and parliaments in the political process. The TV debates during the Bundestag elections of the year 2002 and 2005 are being analyzed and judged as “staging of politics”(politainment). Self-dramatization in media society concerning media discourses about politics and political self-portrayal has become a basic principle of political communication. Self-dramatization is a vital challenge for adequate political communication and content-based orientation in our present media democracies.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
• /
• v.44 no.2
• /
• pp.265-291
• /
• 2013

In the context of welfare politics, this study tries to examine how interest groups'policy priorities in the child-care policy of Korea were shaped and changed. Based on the already institutionalized child-care services, each beneficiary group-parents, employer and employee of child care center-has its own preference and perception in child-care policy. Futhermore, this difference has produced conflict of interests in the priority of policy options and brought interest group politics to the realm of child-care policy. With regard to interest group politics, this study firstly examines divergence of beneficiary groups'perception about the child-care policy priorities. Meanwhile, discourse politics should be regarded as another dimension of welfare politics because beneficiaries'perception preference in policy could be sometimes changed and converged by communicative policy discourse. By examining convergent aspects of beneficiary groups'perception about policy priority, this study secondly tries to analyze the discourse politics which has been influenced by the free child-care discourse during 2010-12 election period. To investigate these two dimensions of child-care politics, beneficiary groups'policy priority should be systematically and comprehensively classified and quantified. Using Analysis Hierarchy Process(AHP), this study identifies 11 policy issues and determines different ranking priorities of each beneficiary group.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.43
• /
• pp.193-221
• /
• 2000

The conventional framework of welfare politics, based on class concepts, tends to fail in explaining the recent social changes. Theoretical response from the social science diverges into two blocs. One is the postmodernist approach that denies possibility of structural cleavage; the other is the alternative trial that seeks to find various kinds of cleavages. The former approach is to be rejected because there is few empirical supports for it. The latter is too sparse to be applied to the studies of welfare politics that requires a comprehensive analysis. This study starts from critical investigation of such approaches, aiming at providing a theoretical framework that combines merits of existing studies on welfare politics. The theoretical framework of three statuses of welfare rights and duties, which is to be presented as an alternative to the conventional class counterpart, does not only underscore the expansion of welfare rights but also the burden of welfare duties. Hence, it can comprehensively subsume complex existence of interest cleavages of welfare politics. To make a long story short, individual interest, related to the welfare state, will effect individual attitudes toward the welfare state and their ways of political support.

• Journal of East-West Nursing Research
• /
• v.26 no.1
• /
• pp.71-79
• /
• 2020

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to examine the effect of head nurses' authentic leadership to nurses' organizational politics perception and organizational silence. Methods: A descriptive research design was used with a convenience sample of 201 nurses. Data were collected from Aug 7 to Sep 13, 2018 using self-reported questionnaires. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics, t-test, ANOVA, Pearson's correlation coefficient, and multiple regression analysis. Results: The mean scores of authentic leadership of the head nurses perceived by nurses and nurses' organizational politics perception and organizational silence were 3.44 out of 5, 2.57 out of 5 and 2.62 out of 5, respectively. Nurses' organizational silence was negatively correlated with authentic leadership of the head nurse and positively correlated with nurses' organizational politics perception. Factors influencing on nurses' organizational silence were organizational politics perception, clinical career, authentic leadership of the head nurses and work life satisfaction which explained 38% of the variance. Conclusion: Based on the finding of this study, it is necessary to develop education and intervention programs in order to improve unreasonable and unfair job environment, enhance head nurses' authentic leadership, manage nurses' careers appropriately and raise the level of their work life satisfaction.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.17 no.3
• /
• pp.567-584
• /
• 2014

This paper attempts to analyze labor politics under the Kim Young-Sam regime. The labor politics transformed from conflictual pluralism to social partnership. The transition was triggered by the 'IMF economic crisis,' and the transitional direction was determined by the character of political regime and the pattern of social coalitions. These findings imply that the transitional direction of labor politics is not determined by an economic crisis or international pressure, but by the relational dynamics of social coalitions forcing social actors to new perception and strategic choice.

• Asian Journal of Business Environment
• /
• v.12 no.4
• /
• pp.1-12
• /
• 2022

Purpose: This study mainly aims to investigate the connection between job satisfaction and organizational citizenship behavior of bank employee. Another objective of this study is to check out the mediating impact of perceived organizational politics of bank personnel on the connection between their job happiness and citizenship behavior. Research design, data and methodology: Snowball sampling is utilized in this study, which is done among bank personnel at different public and private banks across north-eastern region of Bangladesh as well as information is accumulated through the use of a five-point Likert-scale questionnaire. IBM SPSS v22, Andrew F. Hayes process macro v3.5 and SmartPLS 3 are used to complete descriptive and inferential statistics. Results: The study results explore that employees' political perception has a negative influence on organizational citizenship behavior where bank employees' job happiness has a positive impact on structural citizenship manners and negative impact on perceived organizational politics. Surprisingly, perceptions of organizational politics were found to have an insignificant mediating effect on the connection between job satisfaction and organizational citizenship behavior. Conclusions: The present study reveals that satisfied bank personnel shows positive and constructive actions toward their organization where their political perception has an insignificant mediation.

• Journal of Engineering Education Research
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.35-44
• /
• 2012

This paper analyzes characteristics and discourses related with the risk communication of Fukushima nuclear disaster. I try to pick up and analyze the three strategies of Korean government's and expert system's risk communication, and then understand the relationship between them and the role of expert system in the risk communication and the politics of expertise.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.4 no.2
• /
• pp.133-162
• /
• 2020

This article examines China's political characteristics from a cultural perspective. First, it demonstrates the usefulness of the semiotic model through comparative analysis of various political and cultural research methods. Next, this model is used to analyze the representative religions of China, Confucianism and Taoism. Lastly, it analyzes the influence of the cultural codes derived through this on Chinese politics. In conclusion, China has a monolithic cultural code that seeks harmony with transcendental order centered on secular order. It is analyzed that the cultural code of this characteristic had an influence on the orientations of non-rationalization and realism.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.1 no.1
• /
• pp.17-30
• /
• 2017

This study takes a close examination of the Saturday protest movement in Korea and explores how the politics by social movements challenges the extant theorization of democratization. The paper begins with a brief description of the presidential scandal, the eruption of massive protests, and its impact on formal politics. By situating the Korean case in a comparative theoretical discussion, it engages with important debates in the latest scholarship of democracy that complicate given assumptions and conceptualization. The paper closes with theoretical suggestions of how the Korean drama of protest movements contributes to altering the imagination of democratic politics, both conceptually and substantively.