• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.359-382
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• 2014

This paper is an essay on Chaekmun(Answer papers of official examination in Pre-modern period). Especially I tried to point out the possibility of practical use in the field of politics. For this purpose, I analyzed an examination paper written by Lee Ga-hwan, and the title is "a debate about construction of the Miang palace". Exquisite writing skill is also important in Chaekmun, but it is not everything. The subject of Chaekmun concerns various fields such like politics, economy, society, culture, and history. So that writers should have sufficient knowledge and opinion. The King, as an examiner, wants to test retainers' ability both in writing and politics. In this paper, I focused on using in field of politics between the King and the retainers. And as an good example, I analyzed a paper which dealt the event of building huge palace named Miang palace. That is because the King reflects his concerns by setting exam questions. And his concerns also could not be free of contemporary political conditions. Therefore we should be careful of reading those articles. Regarding this, Lee Ga-hwan's article had a distinctive characteristic. Unlike any other articles dealing with same event, he tried to access through creative point of view. And his thought were much close to the King's heart.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.309-334
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• 2010

This study explores gender mechanism of welfare politics in Korea from the perspective of welfare status theory. In the simplistic analysis, it is found that there is no gender difference in welfare attitudes. In the more sophisticated analysis of welfare-status-beased SEM, however, it is found that Korean welfare politics is to be understood in terms of gender-related politics. Three major findings of this study are as follows. Firstly, Korean women possess less pro-welfare attitudes in terms of the status of welfare beneficiary. This is due to the visible gender segregation in the Korean labor market on the one hand and due to the centrality of social insurance programs in the structure of Korean public welfare system on the other hand. Secondly, Korean women have relatively higher level of pro-welfare attitude when it comes to the status of welfare service provider. Thirdly, Korean women tend to be more supportive to pro-welfare parties as they have less chance to be a higher taxpayer. Based on the above mentioned findings, this study concludes that it is possible to make Korean women be more pro-welfare if the Korean welfare state expands more social services that tend to meet urgent needs of women.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.5
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• pp.691-709
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• 2007

This paper investigates the social and political construction of geographical scale in conjunction with Korean housing politics. Recently, attention has been drawn to the issue of the social and political construction of geographical scale. Spatial scales have increasingly been regarded as socially constructed and politically contested rather than ontologically pregiven or fixed. The scale literature has paid attention to how different spatial scales can be used or articulated in social movements, with an emphasis on 'up-scaling' and 'scales of activism' rather than 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation.' Furthermore, the scale literature has focused on the aspect of empowerment. However, it is worthwhile to examine how scale-especially 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation'-can be used not only for marginalizing or excluding unprivileged social groups, but also for controlling the (re)production of space, including housing space. Under a regulatory regime, the Korean central government gained more control over the (re)production of housing space at geographical multi-scales by means of 'jumping scales,' specifically 'down-scaling.' The Korean central government has increasingly obtained the capacity to 'jump scales' by using not only multiscalar strategies for housing developments, but also taking advantage of various scales of institutional networking among the central and local governments, quasi-governmental institutions, and Chaebols, across the state. Traditionally, scale has been regarded as an analytical spatial unit or category. However, scale can be seen as means of inclusion(and exclusion) and legitimation. Choosing institutions to include or exclude cannot be separated from the choices and range of spatial scale, and is closely connected to 'scale spatiality of politics.' Facilitating different forms of 'scales of regulation,' the Korean central government included Chaebols and upper- and middle-income groups for the legitimization of housing projects, but excluded local-scale grassroots organizations and unprivileged social groups as decision-makers.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.48
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• pp.361-389
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• 2017

This essay examines 'precarity politics' by Judith Butler, a well-known gender theorist and queer philosopher, in Notes Towards a Performative Theory of Assembly (2015) focused on concepts as unchosen cohabitation of Hannah Arendt and unwilled proximity of Emmanuel Levinas. Butler's precarity politics is the condition of our dispossessed political beings with fundamental vulnerability and interdependency that cannot choose with whom we will live on this Earth. Butler's political ethics is twofold: on one hand, she examines significance of 'action'' the most significant vita activa in the public area, and 'plurality'' the condition-not only the necessary condition but the possible condition-for a political life suggested by Hannah Arendt in Human Condition; on the other hand, Butler reflects upon global precarity based on a diasporic precarious life in the social world towards freedom and equality. Unchosen cohabitation of plural humans on Earth, and global pervasion of precarity, that indicates "politically induced condition in which certain populations suffer from failing social and economic networks of support and become differentially exposed to injury, violence, and death," so called "differential distribution of precariousness," are practical possibilities of ethical and equal cohabitation of different ethnic groups in the social world. Ethical obligations or ethical demand to respond to others' suffering in distance and proximity originated from precarity politics, mentioned in Precarious Life, Parting Ways, and Frames of War, could be non-foundational joint of plural people living together globally. We should presume the 'reversibility' of distance and proximity in others' suffering, based on responsiveness and responsibility of others, if we want to stay attuned to the pain of others we never chose to live together. That is the significance of Butler's 'precarity politics' with 'ethical obligation' to accept 'unchosen plurality' of living population on Earth, and 'reversibility between of distance and proximity,' in her 'new plural and embodied body politics' or 'new corporeal ontology', through human primary vulnerability, fundamental interdependency, being exposed and responsive to suffering of others.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.1-8
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• 2002

• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
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• 2006.06a
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• pp.45-46
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• 2006

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.11
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• pp.237-240
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• 1988

• Safe Food
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.25-32
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• 2009

• Animal cells and systems
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• v.8
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• pp.10-10
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• 2004

• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
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• 2005.05a
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• pp.18-19
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• 2005