• KSII Transactions on Internet and Information Systems (TIIS)
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• 제13권4호
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• pp.1825-1844
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• 2019

Political campaigns circulate manipulative opinions in online communities to implant false beliefs and eventually win elections. Not only is this type of manipulation unfair, it also has long-lasting negative impacts on people's lives. Existing tools detect political manipulation based on a supervised classifier, which is accurate when trained with large labeled data. However, preparing this data becomes an excessive burden and must be repeated often to reflect changing manipulation tactics. We propose a practical detection system that requires moderate groundwork to achieve a sufficient level of accuracy. The proposed system groups opinions with similar properties into clusters, and then labels a few opinions from each cluster to build a classifier. It also models each opinion with features deduced from raw data with no additional processing. To validate the system, we collected over a million opinions during three nation-wide campaigns in South Korea. The system reduced groundwork from 200K to nearly 200 labeling tasks, and correctly identified over 90% of manipulative opinions. The system also effectively identified transitions in manipulative tactics over time. We suggest that online communities perform periodic audits using the proposed system to highlight manipulative opinions and emerging tactics.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.33-48
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• 2019

The current Moon Jai-in administration in South Korea is facing serious challenges as a result of a scandal involving the manipulation of news online. Staff in Moon's camp are suspected of manipulating public opinion by creating millions of fake news comments online, contributing to Moon being elected president. This South Korean political scandal raises a number of theoretical issues with regard to new platform technologies and media manipulation. First, the incident exposes the technological limits of blocking manipulation of the news, partly because of the nature of social media and partly because of the nature of contemporary technology. Contemporary social media is often monopolistic in nature; with the majority of people are using the same platforms, and hence it is likely that they will be subject to forms of media manipulation. Second, the Korean case of news manipulation demonstrates a unique cultural aspect of Korean society. News comments and readers' replies have become a major channel of alternative news in Korea. This phenomenon is often designated as "reply journalism," since people are interested in reading the news replies of ordinary readers equally to reading news reports themselves. News replies are considered indicators of public opinion and are seen as affecting trias politica in Korean society. Third, the Korean incident of news manipulation implicates a new form of populism in the 21st century and the nature of democratic participation. This article aims to explicate key issues in media manipulation by including wider technological, cultural, and political aspects in the South Korean news media context.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• 제17권3호
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• pp.243-260
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• 2013

The dominant academic literature about trade agreements maintains that they are only about national terms-of-trade manipulation and not at all about purely political concerns. Non-academic economists, commentators, and diplomats by contrast think that trade agreements are all about political concerns. There are two substantive and important distinctions between the two views. i Practitioners maintain that policymakers care virtually not at all about the terms of trade or about trade-tax revenue. ii Practitioners, unlike academics, maintain that trade-agreement negotiations themselves change the underlying political economy. Observation of actual trade policy measures, though not conclusive, suggests that the practitioners are right and that the academics are wrong.

• 한국컴퓨터정보학회논문지
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• 제23권6호
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• pp.75-79
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to introspect again the role of the criminal law at a time when it is said that numerous criminal and legal discussions are needed to develop the so called "reply manipulation " case that is shaking the nation's political history. The research method considered the literature and precedents discussed in the past, and discussed the issue of subculture abuse caused by the internet, which is a product of convenience and affluence that came with the Forth industrial revolution through criminal law. Through a computer program, a discussion was held on what penalties would be imposed on the criminal law for attempting to manipulate public opinion by manipulating the so-called number of comments or Reaction. Question of whether the criminal law should further emphasize the need for a discussion on the need for a method to strengthen the preventive functions of the criminal law and expand the scope of punishment in order to address new causes of risk that came with the development of science. Without reflecting on whether such as "government-inspired demonstration "would be possible in today's world that was in the public perception of the authoritarian government of the past, it is a problem to see that the political goals of a particular group can be achieved by manipulating comments or creating public opinion on the Internet. The duty of criminal law is to protect the interests of the law. The role of the criminal law should be maintained the self limiting as far as possible in cases of violation or danger of the law. Still, it is a problem that the role of the criminal justice system today is too aggressive and is seen as a top tool rather than a last resort for solving problems. he role of the internet will be expanded further in the Hyper Connected society. To solve these problems, we should look forward to a change in the priority of other laws and policies other than criminal law.

• 인터넷정보학회논문지
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• 제21권6호
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• pp.57-69
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• 2020

인터넷 포털과 사회관계망 서비스(SNS) 등의 온라인 공간에서 사용자 간의 의견 공유가 활발해짐에 따라 이를 악용하여 특정 개인이나 집단의 이익을 위해 유포되는 비정상 정보도 증가하고 있다. 특히 비정상 정보가 정치적인 목적으로 유포되면 선거 결과뿐 아니라 다양한 사회 정책과 시민 생활에도 영향을 미친다. 이러한 비정상 정보는 불특정 다수에 대한 유포에서 시작하였으며 이들의 특성을 분석하고 탐지하기 위한 기존 연구도 이러한 불특정 다수 대상 유포에 초점을 맞추었다. 하지만 최근에는 더욱 효과적으로 영향을 미치기 위해 공통 관심사를 가진 집단(예: 부동산에 관심 있는 사람들의 모임)을 대상으로 내용과 형식을 조정한 맞춤형 정보를 유포하고 있다. 본 논문에서는 이러한 관심 집단을 대상으로 한 비정상 정보의 특성을 분석하고 이를 탐지하는 방법을 제시한다. 이를 위해 선거 전후에 10개의 공통 관심 집단에 게시된 의견을 수집하여 분석하였다. 그 결과, 각 집단에 맞춤화된 정보가 실제 유포되고 있으며 선거일이 가까워짐에 따라 점차 증가함을 보였다. 또한, 비정상 정보를 탐지하기 위한 시스템을 제안하였는데, 이 시스템은 개별 의견에서 보이는 특징뿐 아니라 의견 게시자의 전반적인 행위 및 게시자와 협력한 사용자의 특성을 종합적으로 분석한다. 제안한 시스템을 수집한 데이터에 적용한 결과 90% 이상의 정확도로 비정상 의견을 탐지하였으며 다수의 사용자가 조직적으로 비정상 의견을 유포한 정황을 발견하였다. 제안한 시스템으로 관심 집단에 게시된 의견을 주기적으로 검사한다면 비정상 정보의 유포를 더 빠르게 차단하고 영향을 줄일 수 있을 것이다. 또한, 탐지에 활용한 특징은 정치적인 목적 이외의 비정상 정보 판별에도 활용될 수 있을 것이다.

• 이베로아메리카
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.123-152
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• 2011

The long standing people's culture of Latin America based on social solidarity of the communities makes the political relations between the leader and the people very different from them of the european societies based on the representative democracy. At any rate, the main stream of the Populist Discourses sees the real populist political processes with the pejorative senses attributing the demagogue style of the leaders. In these sense, it is very important to re-consider the populism discourses of Ernesto Laclau who thinks that the populism is a way of interpreting the emergence of the people to establish the social demands in the context of populist real politics. According to Laclau, "the populism seeks for the radical reconfiguration of the revolt of the 'Status Quo' and new order". This work will confirm if this interpretation of Laclau can be applied to Peronist political regime. Meanwhile the first group of the orthodox line of the discourses on populism including Gino Germani shows that the populism is a political movement based on the manipulation and demagogue by the charismatic leader of the irrational mass during the period in transition after the crises of the traditional oligarchy in Latin America. And another line of the main stream of discourses on populism including Cardoso and O'Donnell says that the populism is a political phenomena in a period of transition towards the modernization and the national development by means of the industrialization through the substitution of the imports and the alliance between the classes after the 1930's. But these principal interpretations on populism disregards that in Argentina many urban poor working class people had lived under the racist, unequal painful social relations due to the underestimation and the discrimination by the upper and the middle class with many intellectuals. But Peronism had considered them as the new social subjects with human dignities. And so we have to rethink the clientelism also with another meanings. In this sense, the theories of Ernesto Laclau on populism is very helpful to illuminate the sensitive and ambiguous meanings of Peronism. Especially Peronism makes the urban working class maintain their life styles more tended to them of the traditional communities and go towards the anti-Status Quo. That is a key of success of Peronism not only that time but until these days. And so this study will show that it is the most important thing that Peronist regime had made the emergence of the 'people' in the meaning of advancing the democracy in Argentina.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제33권3호
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• pp.163-209
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• 2011

본 논문은 정치경제학적 관점에서 선거 시기마다 재정변수의 주기적인 변화가 있었는지를 실증적으로 검증하고 있다. 재정총량변수를 이용하는 경우 총수입이 선거 이듬해에 주기적으로 감소하였다. 하지만 총지출, 재정수지, 조세부담률 및 국민부담률 등의 재정총량변수를 이용한 경우에는 선거에 따른 재정변수의 주기적인 변화를 발견할 수 없었다. 부문별 지출에서는 경제부문의 지출이 선거 이듬해에 주기적으로 증가하였다. 또한 경제부문 소관위원회의 여당의원 비율이 높을수록 경제부문의 지출 증가율이 높게 나타난 가운데, 선거 이듬해에는 이와 더불어 추가적으로 더 증가한 것으로 나타났다. 이러한 결과는 부문별로 의무 및 재량 지출을 구분하여 분석한 경우에도 동일하게 발견되었다. 따라서 우리나라에서도 정치적 지대 추구행위가 존재해 왔던 것으로 판단된다.

• 수완나부미
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.25-46
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• 2011

The state-sangha relations in the countries of Theravada Buddhism has often been described as a mutually dependent patron-client relation in which the state and the sangha support each other by performing their due roles. Yet this theory involves a normative dimension that prescribes such a relation as the ideal in the Buddhist world. The explanatory power of this theory hence is hampered in a country where the ideal is not fully realized. In the wake of tumultuous political upheaval where political rivals vie for the state the ideal as well as the theory are put into a trial. The tragic history of modern Cambodia is a history of ceaseless conflict in which multiple contenders for the state had to define their relations with the sangha. The relations defined turned out less mutual than supposed. The state-sangha relations were rather unilaterally dependent. More often than not the sangha was subject to state control with no power to confront the state or coopted only to become a tool for political propaganda and manipulation. The sangha always played the role of client, waiting for the state to define the relation and to be benevolent. Even when the monks were forced to disrobe and when the sangha itself was annihilated, all they did was to wait for another patron state that would put the sangha back in place. The state-sangha relations the Cambodian history reveals were not close to one in which the two parties benefit each other on an equal basis. It was a patron-client relationship in which the client sangha had to be heavily dependent on the patron state. Such a unilaterally dependent relationship is the one that has prevailed in Cambodia.

• 인터넷정보학회논문지
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• 제21권3호
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• pp.29-39
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• 2020

인터넷 포털 사이트와 사회 관계망 서비스 등의 온라인 공간(online communities)은 시간과 공간의 제약 없이 접속 가능하다는 장점 때문에 많은 사용자들이 의견을 교환하고 정보를 얻기 위해 사용하고 있다. 이와 함께 특정 개인이나 집단의 이익을 위해 의도적으로 유포하는 비정상 정보도 증가하고 있는데 허위 상품 평이나 정치적 선동 의견이 이에 해당한다. 기존에는 이러한 비정상 정보 탐지를 위해 한 시점에서의 비정상 정보를 수집하고 특징을 분석하여 검열 시스템을 제안하였다. 그러나 비정상 정보를 유포하는 기법은 기존의 탐지 시스템을 회피하고 보다 효율적으로 정보를 전파하기 위해 지속적으로 변화하므로 탐지 시스템도 이에 맞추어 변화할 필요가 있다. 따라서 본 논문에서는 비정상 정보 유포 기법의 시간에 따른 변화를 관찰하는 시스템을 제시한다. 이 시스템은 클러스터링(clustering)을 활용해 비정상 정보를 유포 방식에 따라 군집(cluster)으로 분류하며 이러한 군집의 변화를 분석하여 유포 방식의 변화를 추적한다. 제안한 시스템을 검증하기 위해 3번의 선거 기간 전후에 포털 사이트에서 수집된 백만 개 이상의 의견을 대상으로 실험하였으며, 그 결과 비정상 정보 게재에 자주 사용되는 시간, 추천수 조작 방법, 다수의 ID 활용 방법 등에 대한 변화를 관찰할 수 있었다. 이 시스템을 주기적으로 사용해 탐지 시스템을 개선한다면 보다 빠르고 정확하게 비정상 정보의 유포를 탐지할 수 있을 것이다.

• 영미문화
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• 제14권2호
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• pp.287-309
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper is to critique British imperialism in Bapsi Sidhwa's Cracking India (1991) by analyzing the partition of India from the perspective of nation, religion, and women. Dubbed "Punjabi-Parsi-Indian-Pakistani," Sidhwa is in a position where she can view the partition from an objective and neutralized stance. Rather than focusing on the lives of nationally well-known political figures such as Gandhi, Nehru, or Jinnah, Sidhwa delves deep into the miserable lives of the lower classes before and after the partition. First, I analyze the process of the partition, as it is performed through the manipulation of British imperialism. By adopting the viewpoint of an 8-year-old Lenny, who is the daughter of a Parsi family, Sidhwa is able to critique both British imperialism as well as the male-dominated Indian society where the treatment of women is unthinkably harsh. Second, I focus on the tragedy of the confrontation of three religions, Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh. Religious people fight each other while they were forced to move from South to North or from North to South. I argue that the religious conflicts have much to do with political issues. Third, I want to argue that women are the major victims of the partition. Ayah, Hamida, and Papoo are victims of male-dominated India during the partition. They symbolize the feminized India, which is exploited and victimized by British Imperialism. Even though Ayah is shattered by Ice-candy-man while working as a prostitute and dancer, she decides to return to her home in India, which shows her challenge against male-dominated India as well as against British colonialism. In conclusion, Sidhwa tries to heal the suffering of the Indian women who fell victim to male-dominated Indian society by criticizing the problems of British imperialism. In addition, by dealing with the lives of silenced people, Sidhwa asks readers not to forget the historical tragedy and not to repeat the tragedy again.