• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.21 no.11
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• pp.125-134
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• 2023

This study attemped to examine the effects of health care nursing policy education on nursing students' political efficacy, political participation, and political interest. It attempted to guide the direction of policy education within nursing curriculum. The subjects consisted of 89 nursing students of G-university from March 8, 2023, to June 21, 2023, including 44 in the experimental group and 45 in the control group. The health care nursing policy class was developed using the ADDIE(Analysis, Design, Development, Implementation, Evaluation) model of instructional design. Data analysis used the SPSS 25.0 program through mean, standard deviation, and independent sample t-test. The experimental group that participated in this education showed statistically significant improvement in political efficacy(t=2.34, p<.05) and intrinsic political efficacy(t=2.75, p<.05), as well as passive political participation score(t=2.22, p<.05) compared to before the intervention. Based on the findings of this study, it is suggested that health care nursing policy education should be structured to enhance external political efficacy and promote active political participation in future nursing curriculum.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.103-127
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• 2007

This study presents the political economics models to explore the political landscape of special interest groups influencing the government's decision making process for implementing international environmental standard. Starting with the popular menu-auction types of lobbying frameworks in the literature, the study extends its scope of research to multi-principal and multi-agency based international interest group politics and its hybrid case in order to bring the interaction of the relevant interest politics to the fore. Within a specific factor model of international trade between 2 small open economies, we compare the political equilibrium environmental standards in different institutional frameworks which can be feasible in the sense of recently growing role of environmental interest group. Although the conventional finding suggests that cooperative bargaining between the two countries can attain the globally optimal level of the standard, the paper rather explains that the cooperation between the national interest groups and the hybrid case also generate the stricter standard then national interest politics usually do.

• Journal of Korean Society for Quality Management
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.17-29
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• 2021

Purpose: During 2015-2019, the average amount of political donation to the national assembly members in Korea was 1,000 won per person. Despite its benefits such as receiving tax credits, the donation system has not been actively practiced. This paper aims to promote political donations by suggesting a recommendation system of national assembly members by analysing the bills they proposed. Methods: In this paper, we propose a recommendation system based on two aspects: how similar the newly proposed or ammended bills are to the sponsors' interest (similarity index) and how much effort national assembly members put into those bills (intensity index). More than 25,000 bills were used to measure the recommendation quality index consisted with both the similarity and the intensity indices. Word2vec was used to calculate the similarity index of the bills proposed by the national assembly member to the sponsor's interest. The intensity index is calculated by diving the number of newly proposed or entirely revised bills with the number of senators who took part in those bills. Subsequently, we multiply the similarity index by the intensity index to obtain the recommendation quality index that can assist sponsors to identify potential assembly members for their donation. Results: We apply the proposed recommendation system to personas for illustration. The recommendation system showed an average f1 score about 0.69. The analysis results provide insights in recommendation for donation. Conclusion: n this study, the recommendation system was proposed to promote a political donation for national assembly members by creating the recommendation quality index based on the similarity and the intensity indices. We expect that the system presented in this paper will lower user barriers to political information, thereby boosting political sponsorship and increasing political participation.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.63-82
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• 2016

This paper proposes a paradigm for research on broadcast political interviews. Developed using a series of studies, the paradigm introduces core aspects and questions that should be addressed when examining political interviews in a particular society. This paradigm will enable researchers to collect detailed accounts of the interaction between interviewers and interviewees, the structure and tone of the questions posed to interviewees and the interviewees' communicative style when addressing such questions, and the strategies employed by the participants to pursue their goals. It is hoped that the paradigm will encourage the interest and facilitate the study of televised political interviews particularly from the nationally, culturally, and socially diversified Asian countries. Gathering detailed data from non-Western societies in Asia will also facilitate our understanding of the function and effect of political communication from a cross-cultural perspective.

• The Journal of Korean Physical Therapy
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.43-48
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• 2013

Purpose: The aim of this study was to demonstrate that non-participation of physical therapists on the political decision-making committee results in invasion of their interests. Methods: To demonstrate the effects, we analyzed the change of medical insurance score decided by the Health Insurance Policy Deliberation Committee between 2001 and 2012 years, focusing on medical examination as the interest of the participation group and physical therapy cost as interest of the non-participation group. Results: Total medical insurance cost increased by 23.72%, on average. Medical examination cost increased by 23.90% and 37.66% in medical examination for new and established patients, respectively. However, physical therapy cost was reduced by 5.01%. The medical examination cost for physical therapy without medical checkup increased by 2.62%. Conclusion: This study shows that the physical therapy cost, related on the interest of the non-participative group in the Health Insurance Policy Deliberation Committee, rather decreased while the total medical insurance cost increased.These findings demonstrate the invasion of the non-participative group on the Health Insurance Policy Deliberation Committee. Thus, aggressive participation in political decision-making committee is necessary in order to protect and increase rights and interests of Korean physical therapists.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.50-57
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• 2015

An online survey was conducted to assess motivations for using, reliance on, and perceived credibility of political blogs and microblogs during both the Taiwanese general election of 2009 (the blog epoch) and the presidential elections of 2012 (the microblog epoch). Results indicated higher reliance on and motivation for using political blogs than microblogs. Blogs were also perceived to be more credible than microblogs. Respondents who primarily engaged in blogging for information purposes were more likely to judge candidate blogs as highly credible, whereas interest in entertainment emerged as the strongest predictor of the perceived credibility of microblogs. This research also provided quantitative evidence showing how users viewed blogs and microblogs differently in the context of political campaigns. The aim is to explore the pros and cons of blogging and microblogging as a tool for political communication.

• Journal of dental hygiene science
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.93-102
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• 2023

Background: To investigate political participation by dental hygiene students and analyze the differences therein based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Methods: A total of 239 dental hygiene students who were expected to graduate responded to the survey. The data were collected online using a structured questionnaire consisting of 6 items on general characteristics, 10 on political participation, and 15 on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy. Statistical analysis was performed using SPSS 23.0. Political participation based on the learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy was analyzed using independent t-tests, ANOVA, and multiple regression analysis (p<0.05). Results: Among the dental hygiene students, 60.7% voted in all three recent presidential, general, and local elections, and 14.2% did not. For political parties supported, 65.7% responded that they had "no supporting party," and 34.3% indicated that they had a "supporting party." In terms of the level of political participation of dental hygiene students (0~50 points), the average score was 25.8 points, with the average passive political participation (0~25 points) score at 15.6 points and the average active political participation (0~25 points) score at 10.2 points. With an increase in dental hygiene policy learning efficacy, both passive and active political participation showed higher scores (p<0.05). Conclusion: Dental hygiene students showed low political participation. The presence of a supporting party, higher voting participation, and higher learning efficacy of dental hygiene policy were associated with higher passive and active political participation. Therefore, to increase this population's interest in political participation, various opportunities for related learning need to be promoted and provided in academia, leading to the enhancement of their political capabilities. In this manner, dental hygienists should expand their capabilities in various roles such as advocates, policy makers, and leaders.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.373-391
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• 2016

Since the 2000's, interest toward Africa in Korea has increased rapidly. Korea's interest in Africa began in the second half of the 1960's. However, this interest in the 1960's was motivated by political and diplomatic necessity at the time rather than the needs of indigenous groups in Africa. Korea had to oppose North Korea's diplomatic expansion in Africa to gain the support of international organizations like the United Nations. This interest in Africa motivated by diplomatic needs vanished quickly after the end of the cold war in the 1990's. Authentic Korean interest in Africa began to emerge in the 2000's. Korea's rising international status based on economic development led to a natural interest in Africa, which was the last frontier on earth. As a result, African studies in Korea increased significantly after 2010. The increase in the number of theses, articles and books was remarkable from 2010-2016, in comparison with 1957-2010. In spite of the increase in the quantity of thesis, articles, and books, the problem with Korea's African studies is above all, its preponderance. Over 75% of thesis and 70% of articles are concentrated in the domain of politics and economics. This reflects the fact that Korea's interest in Africa is based on short term political and economic interest, indicating that Korea's African studies did not deviate from the rudimentary phase in its quantity and quality. Another problem with Korea's African studies is the lack of integration of different types of research. African studies in Korea has three components, government funded research centers, university laboratories and individual researchers. The government funded research centers focus on the overview of African nations and their political and economic information. University laboratories mainly perform research on the theoretical aspects of politics, economics, human sciences and culture in Africa. Individual researchers are concerned with various categories. However, these three groups have failed to achieve a synergic effect on African studies in Korea and most of the research on Africa does not extend beyond each academic area. To overcome this problem, first of all, a live exchange may be necessary between domestic researchers.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.7
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• pp.154-167
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• 2016

This study is to analyze whether the use of SNS in politics has any political effects. Most previous studies on political participation by SNS tended to just focus on the participation difference between SNS users and non-users. The test results first show that the development of ICT increases citizens' interest in political information and differentiate the methods of their political participation. Second, we identified SNS users tend to have higher reliability in political information and greater transversion effects by the use of media. Finally, the study verifies SNS is a more effective tool in collective actions such as non-customary rallies and demonstration rather than in customary political participation.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.1-12
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• 2000

The experience of many countries strongly suggests that bad governments and institutions have been a serious, if not the most serious, obstacle to economic growth and industry-structural adjustments. All public sectors pursue a mix of both predatory and productive activities-bad governments emphasizing the former, while good governments finding a way of promoting the later. In fishery public policy studies, much confusion exists about the roles of policy illustration and prescription. In general fishery public sectors involve collective actions by numerous individuals under conditions of uncertainty, complexity, bounded rationality, and imperfect information structure. All collective fisheries action organizations consist of a center(e.g., government), which leads fishery group actions, and peripheral participants(e.g., fishermen), which are controlled by the government. A paradigm is developed that gives both theoretical and empirical meaning to the constitutional determination of fisheries political preference function or fishery public sector governance structures. Three relevant spaces are specified: policy instrument, results, and constitutional. The collective-choice rules of the constitutional space structure the tradeoff between public and special fishery interest groups. Fishery public sectors seeking sustainable reductions in wasteful rent-seeking fishing activities should select constitutional principles and institutional structures that tend to promote resource sustainability. In particular, the effects of internal and external events on fisheries may result in a greater or lesser concentration of interest group power. Thus, the structure of the fishereis political power must be assessed in any prescriptive evaluation of alternative fishery governance weights.