• The International Journal of Costume Culture
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.12-22
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• 2010

As an influential political leader, Queen Elizabeth II holds the link between past queens and today's women political leaders and her dress represents so much in accordance to her role. It is important to analyze the dress and role enactment of Queen Elizabeth II in order to provide a guide to the future women political leaders all over the world. The Queen's dress helps her show tradition which has developed over one thousand years of history. She represents Britain to the world focusing on national identity and unity. The Queen always distinct herself from the rest of the world to show the pride of British Monarch, but when she is visiting other counties for diplomatic relationships she would surely show a friendly gesture on her dress to assimilate herself with that country. Also, same as all other women, the Queen seeks practicality in her dress. Therefore, I was able to classify the Queen's dress into jive groups as a way of role enactment. They are tradition, representation, distinction, assimilation, and practicality.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.28 no.8
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• pp.1100-1111
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• 2004

The purpose of this study is to investigate the hair in aspects of gender and cultural/political ideology, and to confirm the meanings of hair style in modem fashion. There are three zones of social significance such as head hair, facial hair, and body hair, and each of theses zones has both gender and ideological significance. In aspects of gender, opposite sexes have opposite hair norms. And, in sociocultural standpoint, hair is a political symbol of the main protest movements in culture. The contemporary hair styles in fashion design mean that the ＇paying＇ with gender identity, the reflection of changing sexuality, the non-politicism, the fragmentation of style, and the naturalness.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.2
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• pp.255-276
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• 2010

Despite some critics' efforts to highlight Shelley's political fruitfulness, they tend to disregard meaningful differences that Shelley has from other Jacobin radicals of his times. Accordingly, the critics tackle his apparent incoherence revealed in A Philosophical View of Reform; the first two sections contain a keen insight into the socio-political injustice prevalent in Britain and the reasons behind it, while the third section withdraws from the previous radical position and settles with a moderate electorate reform. This paper argues that recent developments in post-structuralist and post-Marxist theory help to clearly assess Shelley's political position. Emphasizing that the Jacobin concept of revolution is incompatible with the plurality and opening which a radical democracy requires, post-marxists such as Ernest Laclau and Chantal Mouffee claim that a more viable form of political resistance is to expose repression and force involved in hegemonic articulations. For them, dislocation, a distabilization of a discourse that results from the emergence of events which cannot be domesticated, symbolized, or integrated within the discourse, opens up the possibility of freedom for agents. A Philosophical View of Reform is an attempt to dislocate the discourses of monarchy and paper money by exposing their social and historical constructiveness and their repressive exclusion of alternative discourses. The political goal of this essay is to awaken subjects within a hegemonic structure by decentering the structure and to make them act by stimulating new discoursive constructions.

• The International Journal of Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.61-70
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• 2005

A representative British designer, Vivienne Westwood's work. world from radical punk style to aristocratic historical dress is explored in context in terms of Englishness. National identity opens up into the process of mobilization of collective sentiment in the national context, unlike nationalism, and Englishness signifies the idea or emotion of England in contrast with Britishness, the political constructor influenced by geographical aspects. There is no doubt that Vivienne Westwood is central to ideas about creativity and originality in English design on subculture. However, in evaluating a designer and her work we should consider the entire context surrounding her from a broader view, rather than arguing only her own ingenuity. In this article, through reconsidering her originality in the historical reference as well as the resistant punk style in aspect of fluid national identity, I show a case of a constituted Englishness, forged by Vivienne Westwood as a cultural creator of national identity. Vivienne Westwood's case hints the complexities of national culture, which constantly shifts, translating her understandings of history and culture into fashion in her contemporary insight and glamorous ways.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.77-94
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• 2016

The paper examined Southeast Asia as a whole and focused on similarities among countries composing what is now known as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In order to determine these similarities, the analysis focused on the fact that during World War II the whole of Southeast Asia was occupied by one political power: Japan. The policies the Japanese implemented in the region were to a degree very similar in terms of pressures and tensions that occurred in the different countries. The paper argues that these pressures and the responses of the various peoples of Southeast Asia instilled a nucleus of common identity in Southeast Asia as a whole. Basically, the policies that the Japanese implemented all over Southeast Asia were the following: the setting up regional administrations; the extraction of resources and emphasis on local self-sufficiency; the implementation of cultural Japanization; and local indigenization policies. The Southeast Asian responses that crystalized this joint Southeast Asian identity may be described as: accommodating and resisting the Japanese; commemorating portraying; and collectively remembering the era. The process of action and reaction between Japan and Southeast Asia was formative of this joint Southeast Asian identity.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.309-330
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• 2010

This paper examines the life-cycle and birth cohort effect on East Asian supranational identity. This paper also explores how national identity is related with supranational identity among Koreans. Using the 2008 CCGA-EAI survey, we analyze the determinants of supranational East Asian identity. The results suggest several interesting findings. Age and national identity have positive effects on East Asian identity. Among generational cohorts, the democratization cohort were less likely than other cohorts to have East Asian identity. These findings suggest several implications. First, in Korea, unlike other countries in the Western world, the older tend to have stronger regional identity than the younger do. Second, unlike the existing literature, this paper finds that strong national identity (pride) is complementary, rather than substitutive, to supranational regional identity. This warrants further systematic research on the microfoundation on the relationship between regional integration and nationalism in Northeast Asia.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.19 no.5
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• pp.17-33
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• 2015

The purpose of this study was to evaluate the role of political image and the phenomenon of fashion politics on the style of women presidents, with focus on the President of Argentina, Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner. The results of the study were as follows. First, the political image of President Cristina Fernandez is identified with the second image of Eva Peron and Kirchnerismo, in terms of political issues. Second, fashion style includes the power and sexy images of glamour style that emphasizes the body line of suits and dress form. Vivid colors and black fashion reflects the Kirchner government's charisma and identity. Fernandez's iconic Rolex watches, expensive jewelry, and luxury accessories such as brooches that replicate Eva Peron's brooch were instrumental in forming a second image of Eva Peron. Third, the phenomenon of fashion politics appeared to equate the phenomenon of recreating the image of Eva Peron with displays of power and wealth for the successor to Kirchnerismo.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.6
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• pp.1311-1337
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• 2010

This paper deals with one of the hottest debates in the history of the Association for Asian American Studies (AAAS) since its inception in the late 1960s. In 1998 at Hawai'i, the AAAS awarded Lois-Ann Yamanaka its Fiction Award for her novel Blu's Hanging, only to have this award protested. The point at issue was the inappropriate representation of Filipino American characters called "Human Rats" in the novel. This event divided the association into two groups: one criticizing the novel for the problematic portrayal of Filipinos in colonial Hawai'i, and the other defending it from the criticism in the name of aesthetic freedom. Such a "crisis of representation" in Asian American identity reflects on the ways in which local Hawaiians are positioned in the complicate power dynamic between oppositional Hawaiian identity and cosmopolitan diasporic identity within the larger framework of Asian American pan-ethnic identity. The controversial event triggered the eruption of Asian Americans' anxiety over the identity-bounded nation of Asian America where intra-racial classism and conflict have been at play, which are primary themes of Blu's Hanging. This paper shows how Yamanaka's Blu's Hanging becomes so disturbing a work to prevent the hegemonic formality of Asian America identity from being fully dogmatic. Ultimately, it contradicts the political unconscious of the reading public and unmasked its false consciousness by engendering a "free subjective intervention" in the ideological reality of colonial Hawai'i.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.1
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• pp.109-144
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• 2003

Orientalness is a concept that expresses the collective identity of the Orient in relation to the West. The concept itself is mutable and defined by the relationship between the two regions at different points in time. Changes in the concept depend on a number of factors, such as cultural influence, the political balance of power between the two regions, and on the interpretative scheme that defines the relationship. In addition, the geographical notion of the concept evolves culturally, socially and politically. During this process, Oriental-ness becomes Oriental-ism at times. I will attempt to survey and measure the progression of Orientalness from its emergence in early 17th century to its subsequent transformation in modern Korea as reflected in art theory and art works. The recognition of the comparative characteristics of Oriental art began when the Orient was exposed to the art of the West in the late Ming dynasty during the early 17th century. The changes in the artistic climate in China affected the late Chosun. I will start with a brief introduction of this time and the birth of Orientalness. The concept gradually changed during the period of Enlightenment(開化期) towards the end of the 19th century, and during the colonial period( 1910-1945) it took on a new form. Establishment of the concept of "Orient"as a single, unifying concept spanning across cultures and national boundaries has been attributed to late Meiji period Japan, whose intention at that time is believed to have been to build a pan-Asia(亞細亞) empire with Japan at its commanding center. It has been stressed that the real motive behind the formation of one single cultural unit, where the shared common written language was Chinese and Confucianism and Taoism were the common metaphysical traditions, was to build one political unit. When the notion of a geographical unit of Asia was replaced by the concept of Asia as a cultural and political unit, a massive growth of interest and discourse were provoked around the concept of Orientalism. When Orientalism was being formulated, Korea automatically became member of "one Asia" when the country became colonized. For Koreans, the identity of the Orient had to be defined in cultural terms, as the political notion of a nation was non-existent at that time. The definition of identity was pursued at two levels, pan-Asian and local. If Orientalism was an elite discourse centered in pan-Asian philosophical and religious tradition, localized Orientalism was a popular discourse emphasizing locality as the byproduct of natural geographic condition. After the liberation in 1945 from colonial rule, a thrust of movement arose towards political nationalism. Two types of discourses on Orientalism, elite and popular, continued as central themes in art. Despite the effort to redefine the national identity by eradicating the cultural language of the colonial past, the past was enduring well into the present time. As discussed above, even when the painting themes were selected from Korean history, the tradition of using history painting as a manifestation of political policy to glorify the local identity had its founding during the Meiji period. The elevation of folk art to the level of high art also goes back to the colonial promotion of local color and local sentiment. Again, the succession of the past (colonial) ideal was defended as the tradition assumed a distinct modern shape that was abstract in style. The concept of the "Orient" is of relative and changing nature. It was formulated in relation to Western culture or civilization. Whatever the real motive of the adoption of them had been, the superiority of the Orient was emphasized at all times. The essence of the Orient was always perceived as the metaphysical tradition as a way to downgrade Western culture as materialistic. This view still prevails and the principle of Orient was always sought in Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism. Even when Orientalism was employed by imperialist Japan in an effort to establish her position as the center of the Orient, the spiritual source was still in Chinese philosophy and religion. In art also, the Chinese literati tradition became the major platform for elite discourse. Orientalism was also defined locally, and the so-called local color was pursued in terms of theme and style. Thus trend continued despite the effort to eradicate the remnants of colonial culture long after liberation. These efforts are now being supported politically and also institutionalized to become the aesthetic ideal of the modern Korean art.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.35-49
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• 2017

This paper will concentrate on how various particular Southeast Asian conditions created a distinct Southeast Asian cultural identity despite a very challenging geographical and historical diversity in the region. The paper will argue that Southeast Asians demonstrate an ability to adapt to changes and new values but also exhibit fatalism through a very high degree of passive acceptance to political and other changes that affect their society. The paper identifies a degree of environmental and geographical uniqueness in Southeast Asia that shapes context and gives rise to very distinct cultural traits. The historical transformation in the region brought about by colonialism and nationalism, combined with this geographical and political make-up of the region, had an immense impact on Southeast Asian society as it fostered adaptability. Finally, the political transitions brought about by various conflicts and wars that continued to affect the area in rapid succession all throughout the 20^th century likewise contributed immensely to a local Southeast Asian fatalistic response towards change. Historically, Southeast Asia demonstrated these socio-cultural responses to such an extent that these are argued to permeate the region forming a distinct aspect of Southeast Asian culture.