• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.1-15
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• 1999

This study aims at integrating the sociological study of technology and the economic study of technological learning. It is argued that the sociological approaches of innovation have some strong points in criticizing technological determinism, but have some weak points in explaining how the knowledge base for innovation is accumulated. On the contrary, the economic approaches of innovation have strong points in explaining technology accumulation, but ignore socio-political process of innovation. This study suggests the model which integrates the socio-political process and technological loaming process.

• Korea Trade Review
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• v.46 no.5
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• pp.1-12
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• 2021

In 2009, Japanese government requires exporters to have individual export licenses for certain items and removes South Korea from White Countries. The export control and regulations are likely to be affected by political factors. This study aims to analyze Japan-South Korea trade dispute with a sequential game with incomplete information. The results show that Japan may apply trade regulations on Korea regardless of efficiency of Korea and the possibilities of regulations increases when political factors are important in its decision on export policy.

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.63-78
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• 2011

This study looked into conflicts of government policies for oil spill sites which are focusing on Taean-gun after the oil spill in Taean-gun and examined the effects on the conflicts. There are lots of conflicts on the on-going restoration project of fishing ground environment(fishing ground inspection, restoration program development, improvement in fishery biology ecosystem and fishery productivity). For example, these show diverse conflicts between business associates, project processes, business subjects, project participation, and the use of fishing ground. This study found out the first reason of dissatisfaction and conflicts is that there is a difference between groups in terms of political aims and perception. Secondly, lack of communication and cooperation between the center and the provinces, organizations in the provinces, the local government and fishing village cooperatives, fishermen in the fishing industry. Thirdly, the local government and the fishing village head don't show their leadership to improve project performance.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.201-212
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• 2011

This study is to carry out meta-analysis on doctoral dissertations which had been written after 2004 when the empirical analysis about digital politics had begun. This study aims to identify tendency of recent analysis. For this purpose, it classifies the research trends of digital politics as political participation, political process, political advertising and election campaigns, and examines the researcher's definition, framework of empirical analysis, and all the results. Moreover, the study systematically summarizes the research model, analysis unit, concept and its components in order to ensure availablity so that the information could be available for the further research.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.22
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• pp.39-75
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• 2003

This essay begins with the following questions; "What is a fundamental source of media power?" and "How can the media power dominate market?". This essay aims at answering the questions. I made my selection of countries such as Venezuela, Italy and UK for this article with a political economic approach. This analysis found evidence that an enormous conglomerate ownership, and alliance or convergence between media and political power are two fundamental source of the media power. With the integration of newspaper and television the media monopoly increased their supplies and political influences as I have shown. Despite the growing threat of media monopoly power to democracy and public interest, in recent years, governments worldwide have chosen to ease regulations.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.87-95
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• 2016

Considerable research over the years has been devoted to ascertaining the impact of social media on political settings.In recent days, Social Network Sites (SNS) such as Facebook allowed users to share their political beliefs, support specific candidates, and interact with others on political issues. This study examines the role of SNS as the means of political campaign. The study tasks the case of the 2015'sspecial election, Seoul Korea. The analysis aims to identify how candidates use Facebook or Twitter to interact with voters by applying functional theory of political campaign discourse developed by Benoit. In this study, we analyzed the candidates' SNS messages in terms of political behavior such as self-expression, informing policy, asking voters to participate in political events. Among them the results indicated that two candidates, Jung, Dong Young and Byun, Hee Jae, both of them used SNS to express themselves the most. The study also found that two candidates used mainly the strategy called 'acclaim' which praises their own strengths. In terms of topics of SNS messages (policy versus character) there was different between two candidates. Jung, sent message in relation to 'character' the most, while Byun contained 'policy' message on SNS the most. Based on these findings implications and directions for future studies are discussed.

• Journal of Korean Society for Quality Management
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.17-29
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• 2021

Purpose: During 2015-2019, the average amount of political donation to the national assembly members in Korea was 1,000 won per person. Despite its benefits such as receiving tax credits, the donation system has not been actively practiced. This paper aims to promote political donations by suggesting a recommendation system of national assembly members by analysing the bills they proposed. Methods: In this paper, we propose a recommendation system based on two aspects: how similar the newly proposed or ammended bills are to the sponsors' interest (similarity index) and how much effort national assembly members put into those bills (intensity index). More than 25,000 bills were used to measure the recommendation quality index consisted with both the similarity and the intensity indices. Word2vec was used to calculate the similarity index of the bills proposed by the national assembly member to the sponsor's interest. The intensity index is calculated by diving the number of newly proposed or entirely revised bills with the number of senators who took part in those bills. Subsequently, we multiply the similarity index by the intensity index to obtain the recommendation quality index that can assist sponsors to identify potential assembly members for their donation. Results: We apply the proposed recommendation system to personas for illustration. The recommendation system showed an average f1 score about 0.69. The analysis results provide insights in recommendation for donation. Conclusion: n this study, the recommendation system was proposed to promote a political donation for national assembly members by creating the recommendation quality index based on the similarity and the intensity indices. We expect that the system presented in this paper will lower user barriers to political information, thereby boosting political sponsorship and increasing political participation.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.49
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• pp.264-295
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• 2002

This study aims to identify the enactment factors of the National Basic Livelihood Institution in context of policy making process by using Kingdon's policy Stream Model. The findings of this study can be summarized as follows. First, an economic crisis has worsened social problems, and the president Kim Dae-jung recognized these problems as serious and worried about social confusion and polarization. Second, NGOs as like People's Solidarity for Participatory Democracy put efforts into enacting the Act. Also, the president Kim's government faced a series of political crisis and needed political solution including foundation of a new party, which considered social welfare most important. Third, the PSPD designed the Act. But the alternatives of related government ministries were not selected. In conclusion, the National Basic Livelihood Institution was enacted by the combination of these three factors stream. Especially the political stream was strongest.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.667-690
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• 2010

This essay attempts to read Percy Bysshe Shelley s The Mask of Anarchy by attending to a political agenda that Shelley seeks to propose and embody in the poem. This poem was written as a response to an exceptional political event, the Peterloo Massacre, and thus it is evident that Shelley intended to engage in contemporary politics by writing this poem. As many critics have pointed out, however, the way in which this poem addresses social, plitical issues is ambivalent and even confusing, since it contains many elements that contradict each other, and sometimes its political visions are based on incoherent conceptions. For this reason, this poem has been considered to be a failure as an occasional poem which should provide the reader with a clear direction for political actions. Faced with this critical problem, this essay proposes that the ambivalence this poem reveals-e.g., the confrontation between moderate artistic fantasy and radical tenets-is not a retreat from political activism, as some critics suggested, but a result of its creation and embodiment of a public sphere which invites various social classes and their positions. The mode in which Shelley conceives this unified public sphere in the course of writing The Mask of Anarchy can be interpreted in terms of the following three features. First, this poem underscores the significance of thoughts in constituting a communal space between people, thus asking the reader to participate in this process of thinking on given issues. Second, this poem suggests that people should enlighten each other by engaging in communicative reciprocations. Lastly, the public sphere formulated by the previous two features should incorporate various socio-political agents beyond class boundaries (even oppressors themselves) into its own working field. After explaining how these three features are manifested in the poem, this essay argues that the unified public sphere thus formed in the poem is the very agenda that Shelley aims to propose for the contemporaneous politics and culture. As a conclusion, this essay highlights how Shelley s project of creating a unified public sphere finally failed in contemporary history through observing two contrasting receptions of Shelley s works.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.7 no.11
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• pp.185-194
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• 2020

This study aims to find out whether political parties apply financial reports under PSAK (Statement of Financial Accounting Standards) No. 45. The Stewardship Theory provides the analytical framework. The objects in this study were 16 Yogyakarta City Political Parties in the Special Region of Yogyakarta, with the total number of 64 respondents. The application for processing data in this study used SPSS 22 version. Based on the results of analyzing data, H1, which had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.026 <0.05, then H0, stating that there was an influence of the statement of financial position on the implementation of PSAK, was rejected. H2 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.116> 0.05, so that H0, stating that there was no significant effect of the activity report on the implementation of PSAK, was accepted. H3 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.027 <0.05, meaning that it rejected H0, which stated that there was a significant effect of the cash flow statement on the implementation of PSAK. Furthermore, H4 had a sig (2-tailed) value of 0.744> 0.05, indicating that H0 was accepted, stating that there was a significant effect of notes to the financial statements on the implementation of PSAK.