• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.21 no.12
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• pp.71-81
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• 2023

Purpose: This research aims to analyze the influence of greed, opportunity, need, exposes on fraudulence financial reporting by using the distribution of political connections as a moderating variable. Research design, data, methodology: Using data collected from 180 respondents who were leaders involved in financial reports in state-owned companies and manufacturing companies in South Sulawesi, Indonesia. Data analysis using SEM PLS. Results: The results of this research show that greed, opportunity, need, exposes, political connections have a significant positive effect on fraudulence financial reporting. Political connection is able to moderate greed, need, exposes to fraudulence financial reporting. Furthermore, political connections are unable to moderate the opportunity for fraudulence financial reporting in company. Conclusion: Greed, opportunities, needs, exposes can influence someone to carry out financial fraud reporting in the company because of internal or external factors that cause someone to commit fraud. Every perpetrator of fraud should be subject to punishment or sanctions if proven to have committed fraud. Political connections can influence fraudulent financial reporting due to the potential for intervention and political pressure that can affect the integrity of financial reporting. Political connections are able to moderate greed, need, exposes against fraudulent financial reporting.

• 중국학논총
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• no.68
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• pp.141-161
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze China's political education, which plays a role of vehicle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) promoting its ideological strategy, in order to figure out the utility of the CCP's ideological strategy. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP rebuilt and reinforced political education in China according to its ideological strategy. Especially after the Tiananmen incident in 1989, the CCP made nationalism and patriotism as the core part of political education, and expanded its curriculum. Such reinforcement of political education has a advantage in maintaining the CCP's governance by creating a nationalist consensus against the western ideas. Although it can be helpful for the stability of domestic politics, it also has negative possibilities which isolate China in the global community and obstruct China's development.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.217-227
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• 2020

Purpose - Against the backdrop of the recent intense political conflict in Korea's political circles, it is to reveal from an economic point of view the hidden aspects behind the hostile conflict between the two political forces. Design/methodology/approach - This paper is not a normative study to find a solution to political conflict, but a positive study to reveal the mechanism of reciprocity that exists between the two parties of conflict in real politics. Therefore, the analysis is based on game theory methodology. Findings - It is shown that the ruling party should choose a level of preemptive response that is neither insufficient nor excessive if it aims to avoid radical anti-government struggles by opposition parties. We also find that even if the chances of success of the opposition's radical offensive struggle are low, the use of that strategy is not necessarily reduced. In addition, we have obtained comparative static results that do not deviate much from our intuition. What's interesting is that unlike our intuition that the choice of the method will be indifferent if the marginal effects of radical and normal methods of struggle are the same, the opposition party rather chooses the normal method of struggle more often. Research implications or Originality - In forming the analytical model, it reflected the support of the general public following the opposition's struggle against the ruling party in order to capture real politics well in the conflict between the two opposing parties.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.161-189
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• 2011

This thesis aims to examine the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism, which was actively debated post-1990's in the West. The paper will focus on the concepts of morality and ethics of Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" in order to connect the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism to our society's political reality. Specifically, through the introduction of Hegel's point of view, this paper will shed new light co the concept of communitarianism, which was viewed from the perspective of political philosophy within the West post-1990's. Through "Philosophy of Law," Hegel imbues a critical and fundamental meaning to modern ethical-political order. For Hegel, Kant's acceptance of morality has a foundational and compositional meaning for the concepts of law and nation. This paper will discuss this topic within the boundaries of Hegel's morality and ethics and regard this as a chance to look back on our political situation with a regretful introspection. International and national reviewers tend to regard the various perspectives of Hegel's philosophy of law as inspirational. However, it seems that the fundamental introspection of why our reality must adhere to his philosophy is lacking. Based on this concern, the paper aims to examine Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" to apply his perspectives to our political reality for a fundamental self-evaluation.

• 중국학논총
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• no.65
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• pp.215-234
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• 2020

This paper aims to analyze the recent consolidation of Xi Jinping's power in the context of political reform of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and reason out its implications. After Reform and Opening Up, the CCP needed to adapt to the changing society, secure its legitimacy and reinforce its ruling power. Therefore, the CCP has practiced political reform focused on intra-democracy since 16th Party Congress in 2002. Intra-democracy in the CCP's collective leadership consists of two parts: a stable power succession, based on term limits and age limits, and a democratic management system, based on checks and compromises between political factions. Those mechanisms of intra-democracy are still functioning in the Xi Jinping era, which explains that the consolidation of Xi's power is the result of the agreement in the CCP. In other words, it is a short-term change to efficiently deal with challenges the CCP is facing.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.85-106
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• 2021

What is the basis of the political polarization in Thailand? What are the key differences between the opposing camps? This paper aims to answer these questions at the individual level, using a national survey conducted by the authors between July and August 2017. The paper argues that the color-based polarizations in Thailand are significant and deeply rooted in a complicated array of demographic, attitudinal, and political dimensions. That is, despite their relative differences in demographics and socioeconomic status, the Yellow Shirt and Red Shirt supporters differ in party identification and democratic values. This finding indicates that the struggle between the conflicting groups in this country is not just about competing interests, but about the identities and basic values underlying the "rules of the political game."

• International Journal of Contents
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 2017

The study aims to reveal the differences in the factors influencing portal news and news site application usages on smartphones in regard to political discussion networks, news use across multiple media platforms and news genre consumption. The results demonstrate that those factors affected both types of application usages in a different manner when controlling for demographics. The more participants conversed politics with homogeneous networks, the more they used portal news on smartphones. Conversely, the more political discussion with heterogeneous networks, the more they used news site application on smartphones. The more frequently Internet and mobile phone were employed for news source and the more soft news genre was consumed, the more the portal news application was used. However, the more frequently traditional and social media were employed for news source and the more hard news consumed, the more news site application was used. The findings imply that portal news application users may increase their likelihood of soft news consumption using Internet and mobile phones for political discussion with close social relations, while news site application users may increase their likelihood of hard news consumption using traditional and social media for political discussion with distant social relations.

• Asian Journal of Business Environment
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• v.4 no.4
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• pp.13-18
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• 2014

Purpose - This study aims to analyze changes in attitudes towards women's political leadership and the social factors related to such changes. The study reviews the field of women's political leadership, specifically the political and economic participation of women in the world, and the impact of variables such as the changes in attitude on such participation. Research design, data, and methodology - The population for this study comprises 99 countries that are members of the United Nations and have participated in the third and fifth waves of the World Values Surveys. The sample consists of 31 such countries selected for sampling. Results - This study is a secondary analysis to examine the hypotheses regression and the LISREL model are used. The findings of the study indicate that the correlation between two variables, namely women's political participation and leadership of women, is statistically significant. Conclusions - The changing rate of women's economic participation is also significant. The significance of these coefficients indicates that the results, with a 95% confidence level, can be extended to all member states.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• v.9 no.7
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• pp.109-121
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• 2022

The study aims to examine the interaction of formal and informal institutions for strengthening economic development, particularly entrepreneurship growth. The research will also assess the impact of control variables on political index within the formal and informal markets. The research is quantitative, which analyses panel data of 6 years in 22 countries comprising middle and high-income countries with diversified and unique political, economic, and social systems. The findings suggested that reducing the entry regulation and promoting the social capital within the formal and informal institutions would grow formal and informal entrepreneurship and be a greater source for new venture creation. Moreover, the political index, a control variable, was found significant in the relationship of institutional mix with formal and informal entrepreneurship. Entry regulations in formal and informal institutions are a complex phenomenon in the entrepreneurship literature, moderated by the political development index as tested by the current study. The time horizon for this paper is much longer since it analyzes 6 years (2014-2019) of data on 22 developing and developed countries to see the entrepreneurial growth across multiple regions on different income levels, geographic conditions, and contrasting political and social systems.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.51-73
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• 2016

The study aims to examine the achievements and shortcomings of adult political education that had been conducted in former Eastern Germany following German unification. More specifically, the study focuses on drawing some policy suggestions and implications for carrying out adult political education for North Koreans in a unified Korea. In fact, former East Germans after German unification needed to receive political education to adjust to a new social system and get related various informations that they had never experienced before. In this context, former East Germans were provided with political education on democratic political system, capitalism, and various laws and regulations that they need to know to get used to a new social system. However, the results of the study indicate that adult political educational system in the former Eastern Germany shows some shortcomings regarding former East Germans' indifference about political education, educational contents which was not cut out for East Germans, and absence of proper methodological approaches. Furthermore, the study points out that North Koreans' educational background and their experiences in North Korea should be considered when selecting subjects and contents of political education for North Koreans in a unified Korea.