• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• 제2권4호
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• pp.248-278
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• 2015

Despite the proliferation of studies on emotion, little attention has been paid to the effects of discrete emotion on political participation. Using a representative survey conducted on a sample of South Korean citizens in the aftermath of the Sewol ferry accident, the current survey explored how anger and sadness, as well as the ways people express those emotions, influence the orientation of their response in social environments and, ultimately, their voting intention. The results partially supported the discrete effects of sadness and anger in eliciting reactions of approach or avoidance. Anger was found to provoke an approach action tendency in independent voters and supporters of the opposition, while also eliciting an avoidance action tendency with a varying effect size across all three groups of respondents. Sadness also prompted an approach action tendency in independents and supporters of the incumbent party, while it manifested a negative association with the avoidance action tendency in supporters of the opponent party. An interpretation of the findings and proposed directions for future research are presented.

• 한국연극학
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• 제40호
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• pp.345-400
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• 2010

Konstantin S. Stanislawski(1863-1938) is one of the great acting-teachers and directors. Especially his 'System' influences this day like his period so many actors and directors in the world. In Korea, Stanislawski was introduced at first in 1920's by Kim, Woojin, dramatist. After that time, his system was influenced fast everyone in the korean drama world. As a result, so many translations of his books and researches of his system are done until nowadays, but it is not perfect for the correct understanding of Stanislawski and his system. It seems to be several causes in this misunderstanding. And the purpose of this thesis is at first to observe historically the results of researches and translations on Stanislawski and his system in Korea and then to bring it in order according to characteristics. In this thesis are the process of reception observed dividing 4 periods. The first period is from the beginning to the liberation in 1945. The second is to 1980's and the next is to the year 2000. And the final period is from that time to the present time. As a result are several characteristics found as followings: 1) translations of Stanislawski's first book like other books, for example, Building a Character and Creating a Role, an Actor Prepares, are fast all secondhand translations, that means, man translated it not from russian direct but japanese or english. It caused man to misusing of terms and then misunderstanding on the system. 2) the researches on Stanislawski in are fast all concentrated on the book, an Actor Prepares, so this leads man to regard it as his whole acting system. On the other hand, thesisses which deal with his last and final acting technique, "the Method of the physical Action" are relatively not so much. As though man knows the last, man used to think that the system is developed systematically from the psychological technique to the physical action or the method of the physical action is only the way to understand of stanislawski's acting method. The psychological method and the physical are not the divided, different acting technique, but pairs which are applied to different objects, that is, the actor himself and the role in texts. 3) the political aspects are not considered especially under the situation of Stalin's social realism. This lack of the political context having relation with the system acts as a obstacle upon understanding the correct, whole his system. But so many thesises on this theme in other countries are so vivacious. For example, man can find subjects like "Stanislawski and Meyerhold", "means of Stanislawski's method for theatres in the social context". There are also many interesting Questions related to the physical action. That is, is the physical action the final acting technique or the materialistic dialectical device to survive under the Stalin's rule? Is there some interrelations between stanislawski's physical action and Meyerhold's biomechanics? In conclusion, the researches on Stanislwski and his system are not enough to understand correctly and overcome the system. We have to start the research again at least from the direct translation his books written russian in order to apply it in a new times.

• 수산경영론집
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• 제31권1호
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• pp.1-12
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• 2000

The experience of many countries strongly suggests that bad governments and institutions have been a serious, if not the most serious, obstacle to economic growth and industry-structural adjustments. All public sectors pursue a mix of both predatory and productive activities-bad governments emphasizing the former, while good governments finding a way of promoting the later. In fishery public policy studies, much confusion exists about the roles of policy illustration and prescription. In general fishery public sectors involve collective actions by numerous individuals under conditions of uncertainty, complexity, bounded rationality, and imperfect information structure. All collective fisheries action organizations consist of a center(e.g., government), which leads fishery group actions, and peripheral participants(e.g., fishermen), which are controlled by the government. A paradigm is developed that gives both theoretical and empirical meaning to the constitutional determination of fisheries political preference function or fishery public sector governance structures. Three relevant spaces are specified: policy instrument, results, and constitutional. The collective-choice rules of the constitutional space structure the tradeoff between public and special fishery interest groups. Fishery public sectors seeking sustainable reductions in wasteful rent-seeking fishing activities should select constitutional principles and institutional structures that tend to promote resource sustainability. In particular, the effects of internal and external events on fisheries may result in a greater or lesser concentration of interest group power. Thus, the structure of the fishereis political power must be assessed in any prescriptive evaluation of alternative fishery governance weights.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제36권
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• pp.198-230
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• 2006

이 연구의 목적은 미디어 선거가 제도적으로 발전하면서 파생하고 있는 선거 공론장의 역설적 현상들을 밝혀내는 것이다. 오늘날 TV방송은 방송 저널리즘 차원을 넘어서 정치적장의 중심에 자리 잡기 시작하였으며 중요한 정치적 실천 기제가 되었다. TV방송과 대의 민주주의 체제의 융합은 미디어크라시(Mediacracy) 혹은 텔레크라시(Telecracy)라 일컬어지는 새로운 정치 구조를 생산하고 있다. 이 두 분야의 융합에 따른 새로운 정치 현상은 무엇보다도 선거에서 잘 나타난다. TV방송은 선거 후보자들에게 다양한 정치적 상징들을 생산하고 무수한 대중에게 시, 공간적 제약을 벗어나 전달할 수 있는 기회를 제공한다. 따라서 TV선거방송은 후보자들에게는 가장 유효하고 영향력 있는 선거운동의 장이 되고 있다. 이러한 영향력의 확대에 따라서 국가는 이 선거 공론의 장에 대하며 보다 적극적으로 개입하기 시작했다. 국가 중심의 제도화는 TV선거방송을 표준화, 규격화함으로써 모든 후보자들이 쉽게 참여할 수 있고 유권자들에게는 보다 명확한 판단의 기준들을 제공해 줄 수 있는 가능성을 열어주었다. 그러나 또 한편으로는 이 제도화가 시민 공론장으로서 방송의 역할을 국가적 행정체계와 방송의 기술체계에 종속시키고 있음을 볼 수 있다. 이러한 기술 중심의 기계적 제도화는 선거방송을 정치적 상징의 생산과 상징적 이미지의 작동을 제한하고 통제하는 체제로 구조화시키고 있다. 결국, 도구적 합리성과 기술적 관리 체계에 바탕을 둔 제도화는 선거방송에서 정치적 인간(Homo politicus)의 주체성을 후퇴시키고 행정 및 방송 기술을 정치적 상징을 생산하고 작동하는 주체로 만들고 있다. 이러한 프랑켄슈타인적 전도는 TV선거방송을 신화적 공론장으로 귀결시킨다. TV선거 공론장의 역설(paradox)은 미디어 선거 시대에 유권자의 탈정치화, 정치의 픽션화 그리고 그에 따른 선거의 무관심을 고조시킴으로써 미디어와 정치의 위기를 더욱 심화시키고 있다. 따라서 정치적 인간 주체를 회복하기 위해서는 국가 중심의 제도체계를 벗어나 시민들이 TV선거 공론장의 주체적 참여자가 되도록 개방해야 할 필요가 있다.

• 디지털산업정보학회논문지
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.29-41
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• 2019

The purpose of this study examined how post-traumatic stress, caused when internet users in web portal or social media are defamed in cyberspace, influence on coping behaviour, through the Theory of Reasoned Action's two major factors: Attitude on behaviour and subjective norm. In so doing, it aims to provide a technical and political solution that would fundamentally prevent future victims in cyberspace. In an effort to examine its research theory, a survey was conducted on people who have had the experience of being defamed in cyberspace. The results showed, first, hypersensual has no significant influence over attitude on behaviour and subjective norm. Second, intrusion has no significant influence over attitude on behaviour and subjective norm. Third, avoidance showed significant influence over attitude on behaviour and subjective norm. Fourth, attitude on behaviour and subjective norm showed significant influence on behaviour. This study has both theoretical and practical significance; Unlike previous studies on cyber defamation with qualitative research method, this study employed quantitative method through theory-based approach. In other words, the researcher did not arbitrarily set variables, but utilized the Theory of Reasoned Action for examination.

• 아태비즈니스연구
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.137-152
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• 2018

Hofstede cultural value model is one of the most influential model for cross-cultural studies to measure national difference. In this study, we examine that Hofstede Cultural Dimensions can be measured by World Value Surveys. Selected WVS questions for 31 measurable countries after Exploratory Factor Analysis(EFA) and Confirmatory Factor Analysis(CFA), approved valid through empirical analysis. It is applicable that Individualism values(IND) has related to 2 questionnaires including life satisfaction, Power Distance values(PDI) to 2 questionnaires about political action(Signing a petition and Joining in boycotts), Masculinity values(MAS) to 2 sexual-role questionnaires like "University is more important for a boy than for a girl", Uncertainty Avoidance values (UAI) to 3 questionnaires about confidence(Parliament, The Political parties and Justice System), Long-Term Oriented values(LTO) to 4 questionnaires including "How proud of nationality" and Indulgence versus Restraints values (IVR)to 2 questionnaires including Feeling of Happiness.

• 한국과 국제사회
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.243-270
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• 2017

본 논문의 목적은 첫째, 과학적인 정치학 연구는 어떤 단계들을 거쳐 이루어지는지에 대해 살펴보고, 둘째, 이러한 과학적인 정치학 연구의 한 예인 그룹이론들 (group theories)에 대해 분석하고 있다. 논문의 전반부에서는 정치학의 과학적 연구를 위해 필요한 개념, 리서치 디자인, 가설 설정 등에 대해 살펴보고 정치학 연구의 과학화가 갖는 한계점에 대해서도 분석하고 있다. 논문의 후반부에서는 그룹접근법들인 역할이론, 그룹이론, 갈등해소이론, 공공선택이론, 합리적 선택 이론 등에 대해 분석하고 있다. 결론에서는 정치학 연구의 과학화가 갖는 한계점에도 불구하고 과학적 탐구가 정치현상을 분석하는데 도움을 주고 있기 때문에 학자들이 연구의 주제, 성향 등에 따라 전통적인 방법과 과학적인 방법을 혼용해서 쓰는 것이 필요하다는 점을 강조하고 있다. 또한 정치학의 과학화의 한 예인 그룹이론이 정치현상을 분석하는데 미친 긍정적인 영향과 그 한계에 대해서도 분석하고 있다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제16권2호
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• pp.82-92
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• 2017

The Korean state evolved as a distinct entity in a region of major power convergence and conflict. All states, as human constructions, seek sovereignty and life security of their subjects/citizens, and are rotted in organic society. In the Republic of Korea, constitutional order has provided a framework for political action and a succession of regimes - authoritarianism, military dictatorship, and constitutional democracy. Since 1960 two paradigms have undergone a cycle of growth and decline, and a third, since the 2016 candlelight demonstrations in Gwanghwamun, may be the beginnning of a third generation paradigm - populist constitutionalism.

• 농촌지도와개발
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.209-225
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• 2006

According to shift of the political focus from agricultural productivity to social development, it has been increased importance of local leader in rural society. Especially rural women leader's role has been increased not only in agricultural business but also in social activity of locality. Although a lot of leadership study related to rural community development, it has been very scarcely study about leader's action in pattern or doing in style based on psychological scale. Therefore this a kind of pilot study on that. For this data, it was gathered from 24 female farmer leaders of a federation group in 2005. In this study, to define the action in pattern or doing in style of leader, it was adopted to Ozasz Yoshihisa's scale which is consisted of 40 items into 8 types. From analysis of female farmer leader's action in pattern or doing in style, most of them were belong to volunteer type, generalist type, farmer type. This menas most of them were head toward maintenance of the present status, keeping one's balance, adaptation oneself to new environment, or acceptance the logic of events, not trying to innovate. But it was not clear that any variable has a relation in the action in pattern or the doing in style, for definition of variables, it should be more detailed study.

• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.236-262
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• 2012

Morgenthau claims that in international relations, there are the economic, political, and military powers that enable a nation to achieve its political and diplomatic goals. This paper explores the possibility of resolving international conflicts with naval power. First, the theoretical and historical perspective, naval power was used as a final resort to force a nation's political or diplomatic objective on an enemy nation when negotiations failed, and this was done through the physical and psychological destruction of the enemy by naval power. But as the use of military power has decreased because of the invention of the nuclear weapon, the existence of a large and capable navy deterrent has become one of the most useful military options among a nation's diplomatic measures. In other words, he focused on the political usefulness of naval power as a deterrent and coercive diplomatic tool for persuading other nations to acquiesce, rather than using naval power and actual military action as a final resort. The reason for this is that compared to army and air force, navy's flexibility, continuity, and the ability to deter are greater. The navy provides excellent accessibility through its wide mobility on the sea, and it has been shown through research that the navy possesses a political usefulness that facilitates the solution of conflicts through presence, naval intervention, and naval blockade. On the other hand, among the factors that could improve the influence of the navy are alliance relations, a reliable and powerful navy, carrots and sticks that it would have to deal with in the case of successful or unsuccessful negotiations, and support from international opinion. On this paper I introduce E.N.Luttwak's naval suasion theory. By the his theory, there are two mode of naval suasion. One is latent naval suasion the other is active suasion. Latent suasion there are deterrent mode and supportive mode. Active naval suasion there are coercive mode and supportive mode. Coercive mode has positive and negative. The limitations of naval suasion have been identified as follows. First, because the objective of the use of naval power is persuading enemy nations, the results are unpredictable. Second, the leaders of all countries possess limited understanding on the complexities of naval power and therefore lack understanding of the usefulness of naval power when choosing options. Third, in case of failure through naval suasion, prestige and reputation of a nation can be damaged. Finally, the following are additional possible research topic. First, a research on the decision making process of choosing naval power as a measure to resolve conflicts is needed. Lastly, research on the size of the navy and types of ships required for efficient naval suasion is needed. Today's world requires cooperative security regime so that middle class navy also requires political use of naval power in solving international conflicts. Therefore, additional research on this topic is needed.