• Title/Summary/Keyword: Political Power

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A Study of Political Use of Naval Power in Solving International Conflicts (설득이론을 통한 해군력의 정치적 사용에 관한 고찰)

  • Yang, Jung-Seung
    • Strategy21
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    • s.30
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    • pp.236-262
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    • 2012
  • Morgenthau claims that in international relations, there are the economic, political, and military powers that enable a nation to achieve its political and diplomatic goals. This paper explores the possibility of resolving international conflicts with naval power. First, the theoretical and historical perspective, naval power was used as a final resort to force a nation's political or diplomatic objective on an enemy nation when negotiations failed, and this was done through the physical and psychological destruction of the enemy by naval power. But as the use of military power has decreased because of the invention of the nuclear weapon, the existence of a large and capable navy deterrent has become one of the most useful military options among a nation's diplomatic measures. In other words, he focused on the political usefulness of naval power as a deterrent and coercive diplomatic tool for persuading other nations to acquiesce, rather than using naval power and actual military action as a final resort. The reason for this is that compared to army and air force, navy's flexibility, continuity, and the ability to deter are greater. The navy provides excellent accessibility through its wide mobility on the sea, and it has been shown through research that the navy possesses a political usefulness that facilitates the solution of conflicts through presence, naval intervention, and naval blockade. On the other hand, among the factors that could improve the influence of the navy are alliance relations, a reliable and powerful navy, carrots and sticks that it would have to deal with in the case of successful or unsuccessful negotiations, and support from international opinion. On this paper I introduce E.N.Luttwak's naval suasion theory. By the his theory, there are two mode of naval suasion. One is latent naval suasion the other is active suasion. Latent suasion there are deterrent mode and supportive mode. Active naval suasion there are coercive mode and supportive mode. Coercive mode has positive and negative. The limitations of naval suasion have been identified as follows. First, because the objective of the use of naval power is persuading enemy nations, the results are unpredictable. Second, the leaders of all countries possess limited understanding on the complexities of naval power and therefore lack understanding of the usefulness of naval power when choosing options. Third, in case of failure through naval suasion, prestige and reputation of a nation can be damaged. Finally, the following are additional possible research topic. First, a research on the decision making process of choosing naval power as a measure to resolve conflicts is needed. Lastly, research on the size of the navy and types of ships required for efficient naval suasion is needed. Today's world requires cooperative security regime so that middle class navy also requires political use of naval power in solving international conflicts. Therefore, additional research on this topic is needed.

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Concept Development of Political Competence for Nurses (간호사의 정치적 역량 개념 개발)

  • Han, Nam Kyung;Kim, Gwang Suk
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing
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    • v.50 no.1
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    • pp.81-100
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    • 2020
  • Purpose: The purpose of this study was to define and clarify the concept of political competence for nurses. Methods: A hybrid model method was used to investigate the dimensions, attributes, and definitions of the concept. In the theoretical stage of the study, literature on nursing, politics, and other discipline were reviewed. In the fieldwork stage, individual in-depth interviews and focus groups interviews were conducted with politically seasoned experts or activists who had an understanding of the concept of political competence for extensive descriptions in nursing and field of health care. Results: The concept of political competence was represented in four dimensions as political knowledge, political efficacy, political interaction, and political activity. In the political knowledge dimension, there were three attributes, namely, political knowledge, political information and systematic analysis ability. The political efficacy dimension had three attributes of internal political efficacy, external political efficacy, and self-pride of nursing profession. The political interaction dimension had three attributes of organizations and community service, networking, and persuasive power. The political activity dimension had six attributes of political leadership, political expression, assertive behavior, political advocacy, political participation, and policy intervention. Conclusion: This concept development might provide a basic understanding of developing a measurement tool and for constructing a theory promoting nurses' political competence.

Between Regime Change and Political Development: Myanmar's Defective Democracy and the Task for the Political Development (체제 전환과 정치발전의 사이에서: 미얀마의 결손민주주의와 정치발전의 과제)

  • JANG, Junyoung
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.4
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    • pp.161-196
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    • 2018
  • The major object of this study is to analyze the political development of Myanmar's civilian government on the concept of defective democracy, and to investigate the main actors who delayed or stymied political development and their interrelation. In doing so, this study suggests the tasks required for political development overcoming the current political structure and behavior. The civilian government, which was launched in 2016, failed to achieve positive political development by following the behavior of military authoritarianism in terms of exercise of power and decision making structure. On the perspective of the government, delegative democracy and domain democracy have been strengthening since one person has taken over all political power and hesitate to take horizontal accountability for each power organizations. The military, which is responsible for national defence and security seeks illiberal democracy and exclusive democracy, keeping on an undemocratic constitution by the military and Burman ethnocentrism. The reasons why defective democracy has been occurred are that the lack of a group to run a democratic institutions and the limitation of power structure that fails to adhere to the principle of civilian control to the military due to long-term military rule. Therefore, there is a need for military's come back to barracks and transform the power structure to democratic of the civilian government which is tamed an authoritarian order for the political development in Myanmar. In order to achieve this, this study concludes that setting up a empowered democratic government is required.

A Study of Zhuxi's Daoxuezhengzhi(道學政治) through his political frustration in the partisan struggle of 1196 Qingyuandanghuo(慶元黨禍) (1196년 경원당화(慶元黨禍)의 사상정국에서 주희의 정치적 좌절을 통해서 본 주희의 도학정치고찰)

  • Lee, Wook-Keun
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.37
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    • pp.473-507
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    • 2009
  • The purpose of this study is to understand Zhuxi's Taoxuezhengzhi(道學政治) by reorganizing both his political opinion in each different political situation and his consistent political consciousness appeared in his whole political career. He concluded that the politics was the real problematic in Southern Sung, which made its structure distorted. This distorted structure of politics had widely rooted in whole sphere of society. In order to cure this political problematic, Zhuxi had focused on huangdi(皇帝) and chaoting(朝廷). That is why people is the basis of State and the result of politics, while huangdi and chaoting is the basis of politics and the beginnig of politics. According to Zhuxi, forming their political power group of their own will by using huangdi's power, the political elites close to only to huangdi made the function of chaoting unstable, with the result that the political decay produced. In chaoting, it resulted in the weakness of huangdi's power, the collapse of official discipline(紀綱), and the absence of public opinion(公論) and public aggreement(公議). Beyond chaoting, it resulted in the absence of political trust and the degeneration of public morals(風俗). In the Southern Sung were not altered the political orientation and culture based on the political decay, but only political orientation and characteristics of political elite only altered. This proves Zhuxi's approach that all problems in Southern Sung could resolve by the political approach. Zhuxi had suggested political issues in office. The alternatives for those political issues had basis of the theme, the one that saving people(恤民) is the purpose of politics. However his political ideas and the execution of them had been occsionally collapsed by the complex political structue, the mechanisms of political power, and the sameness and privatization of political geography in Southern Sung. Qingyuandanghuo(慶元黨禍) was the final stage of his political frustration, with the result that it led to the failure of Zhuxi's taoxuezhengzhi and interrupted the tradition of taoxue(道學) for the time being.

Institutionalization of Legislative Rules, Political Saliency of Bills, and Operation of the National Assembly in Korea: An Analysis of the Constitutional Court's Law Reports (의사규칙의 제도화와 정치적 현저성, 그리고 한국 국회의 의사진행: 헌법재판소 청구사건들에 대한 분석)

  • Kim, Yong-Cheol
    • Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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    • v.15 no.2
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    • pp.5-34
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    • 2009
  • Why the Korea National Assembly shows often limping in its operations despite the introduction of various democratic legislative rules? Regarding the question, this article pays attention to the institutionalization of legislative rules and political saliency of bills, and analyzes the Constitutional Court's law reports. According to the analysis, the National Assembly goes on smoothly when dealing with the bills with low political saliency, but shows anomaly in its operation when dealing with the bills with high political saliency. This indicates that the institutionalization of the legislative rules is relatively low. The low level of the institutionalization is derived fundamentally from a distinguishing characteristic of the power structure in which political power is too much concentrated on the president. Within the power structure, the ruling party has to play the role of protecting and advocating the president, whereas the opposition parties become actors criticizing and checking the president. Consequently, the parliamentary decision-making processes have been dominated by the political strifes between the ruling and opposition parties, often producing limping operations of the National Assembly and delayed institutionalization of the legislative rules.

The Power Images in the Style of a Leader: Expressive Characteristics for the Power Images on the Portrait of Henry VIII (리더의 스타일에 표현된 권력이미지: 헨리 8세의 초상화에 나타난 권력이미지의 표현특성)

  • Kim, Mikyung
    • Journal of Fashion Business
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    • v.17 no.5
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2013
  • The purpose of this study is to examine the power images in the style of a leader: through the focus on the portrait of Henry VIII. Study methods on the literature concerning viewpoints of power and image in the early modern age and the subjects of power are being used for theoretical backgrounds; and the visual data from National Portrait Gallery, British Library and the internet are used for exploratory studies. The results of this study are as follows. First, from the style of Henry VIII who represented the image of political power, the modern political phenomenon can be defined. Such phenomenon which displays images of political leaders from the study indicate an effective strategy. Second, the religious, a diplomatic representation for the style of Henry VIII powers, such as costume style and somatic visual images, represents the dignity and power by delivering visible internal attributes. Thus, the role model recognized by the society and the public's perception of leadership style affects the acknowledgement and belief by the people.

Power-based Supervisory Control of Discrete Event Systems: Political Economy Analysis (권력에 기초한 이산사건시스템의 관리제어: 정치경제학 해석)

  • Park, Seong-Jin
    • Journal of the Institute of Electronics and Information Engineers
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    • v.50 no.7
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    • pp.244-252
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    • 2013
  • In this paper, we show that supervisory control theory of discrete event systems can be applied to analyze the problem of power in political economy. For this purpose, we introduce the decision mechanism of control inputs based on power, and the consequent behavior of a supervised system. Specifically, this paper presents the notion of power-controllability as a necessary and sufficient condition to achieve a common control objective of competing groups (local controllers). If the power-controllability is met, a modular system controlled by local controllers with power functions is not deviated from a common control objective of them.

Pashinyan's Gambit or Armenia's Failed Revolution

  • ABADJIAN, VAHRAM
    • Acta Via Serica
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    • v.5 no.1
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    • pp.121-152
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    • 2020
  • The article is a critical examination of the political developments in Armenia since the 'Velvet Revolution' of April-May 2018, when, on the wave of massive protests against the ruling regime, new young forces came to power raising amongst broad segments of population enormous enthusiasm and hopes about radical reforms that would lead to profound transformations in the political and socio-economic spheres. It contains a thorough analysis of underlying political processes in the country in an attempt to answer a number of topical questions, so important to get a deeper understanding of the situation in Armenia and in the South Caucasus region. Based on the analysis of the new authorities' performance against the acknowledged benchmarks and standards of democracy consolidation, such as: separation of powers, independence of the judiciary, good governance, transitional justice the author comes to the conclusion that they failed to achieve any breakthrough in the above-mentioned fields. On the contrary, as demonstrated by concrete examples, what occurred in Armenia was not a revolution but a mere regime change under the leadership of Prime Minister Pashinyan, who gradually has concentrated in his hands executive, legislative, and quasi-totality of the judicial branch of power.

The effects of political efficacy and nursing professionalism on political participation in nursing students (간호대학생의 정치효능감과 간호전문직관이 정치참여에 미치는 영향)

  • Woo, Chung Hee;Ha, Jiyeon
    • The Journal of Korean Academic Society of Nursing Education
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    • v.29 no.3
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    • pp.263-271
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    • 2023
  • Purpose: This study aimed to assess the factors influencing the political participation of nursing students who, as they become future leaders in the nursing field, will need to increase their participation in health policy decisions. Methods: Data were collected using web-based questionnaires answered by 157 nursing students between March 13 and 27, 2023. Those data were analyzed using t-test, a one-way ANOVA, Pearson's correlation coefficient, and a multiple linear regression. Results: The average score of political participation was 2.77±0.70 out of 5 points. Political participation showed positive correlations between political efficacy (r=.48, p<.001) and nursing professionalism (r=.27, p<.001). Furthermore, sex (female) and political efficacy were identified as influencing factors on political participation among nursing students, which explained it with 24.0% power. Conclusion: Providing timely nursing education is necessary for enhancing political efficacy, which could promote political participation among nursing students.

A Study on the Women Political Leaders' Fashion Style for Role Enactment - Focusing on Yulia Tymoshenko - (여성 정치 리더의 역할 수행을 위한 패션 스타일 연구 - 율리아 티모센코를 중심으로 -)

  • Yang, Sook-Hi;Cho, Youn-Yung
    • The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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    • v.19 no.1
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    • pp.104-118
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    • 2011
  • Since Sirimavo Bandarinaike became the first female prime minister in 1960, women all over the world has been trying to break the highest glass ceiling. In a place where men had been dominating throughout history, women political leaders had to find a way to look the part by wearing power suits. Feminity was out of the question until the digital era of 21st century started. The world has evolved into a place where feminity could be strength instead of weakness. Now women political leaders are showing body curves, cleavage, using vivid and pastel colors, soft fabrics, elaborate details, accessories, long and curly hair. The padded shoulders of dark coloured power suits were replaced by soft colorful flowing feminine suits. Yulia Tymoshenko of Ukraine is the best example of 21st century woman political leader using feminity in her fashion style while enacting her role. When she first started politics in 1990's, she wore dark colored power suits like all other women political leaders did with short dark hair. As time passed her suits became more feminine with light colors and elaborate details. She has changed her hair into a neat braid, based on a traditional Ukrainian hair style. She used orange color for the Orange Revolution and white for pure image. Yulia Tymoshenko's fashion style as a way of role enactment showed professionalism, feminity, integrity, and ethnicity.