• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.10 no.7
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• pp.69-75
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• 2012

This study aims to suggest the amendment method of publishing bulletins for election in accordance with the changed consciousness of voters and the environment of times after examining the expression strategies of a candidate's message through the analysis of publishing bulletins of local election in 2010. Accordingly, it tries to indicate the strategies of publishing bulletins for election more easily and briefly. As to the description of expression strategies, there were a lot of rational descriptions and positive appeals with the perspective of a third person. It shows the awareness that aggressive and negative expression brings about adverse effects. The appeals of the cover slogan in campaign promises were in the sequence of the candidate's character, regional development, and social welfare, and most campaign promises were within the range of ten promises. The most used symbol of candidates was the party which candidates belong to. The main empathized contents include the name of candidates, the experience of candidates, management, political ability, and region. In addition, slogans had the intention to express folksy and intimacy by raising the rates of residents' emergence.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.142
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• pp.121-143
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• 2017

This research aims at examining two classist theories of the subject, elaborated by Negri-Hardt and $Ranci{\grave{e}}re$. Negri-Hardt proposed a new subject of the multitude, established by immaterial/biopolitical labor. This subject marks a new constitution of the proletariat which is the subject of Marxist politics. Like the proletariat, the multitude is established by economic objectivity. The democracy of the multitude becomes possible through the production of the 'common'. Economical elements always dominate the subject itself and subjective politics. The subject of the demos, established by Ranciere, is a party which claims its share in the dominating order of power. It is a subject subtracted from the logic of domination. The demos, therefore, is the subject which is constituted at the moment of the refusal of the established order and the place distributed. This refusal means a kind of subjectivity that transforms the dominating order. Then we take demos as the proper political subject subtracted from economical objectivity.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.41-56
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• 2021

Purpose - This empirical study examined the influence of post-communist countries sociol-political factor of freedom of expression preconditioning, and trust in agency, mediating performance expectancy of social media users representing the citizens' behavioural intention to utilize social media in a post-communist country, the case of Mongolia. Design/methodology/approach - This research collected 403 valid survey data from citizens those who use social media in Mongolia. The study used Partial Least Squire (PLS) analysis with the research conceptual model founded on the UTAUT model. Findings - The study shown that citizens in post-communist, they strongly willing freedom of expression, which driving as a positive precondition factor, and this has an indirect positive influence, and trust in agency mediates to enhance performance expectancy. Social influence, and effort expectancy factors have direct positive influence on the intention to use of social media systems in the public sector domain of Mongolia. Research implications or Originality - This research proposed a new model to test citizens' intention to use social media as a communication tool to engage with public organizations in the pre-adoption stage of post-communist countries. Theoretically, this research builds up to the unique theoretical contribution with social media by examining a new social media-based third-party intercommunication medium, incorporating intent to utilize for citizens with government in post-communist countries. Practically, this article lays out the directions to aid social media usage for government sector with concerning citizens intentions in the post-communist situation.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.550-572
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• 2009

This paper investigates the textile negotiations between Korea and the U.S. which Korea, as a weaker party in the bilateral trade negotiation, was recognized as making a good performance by Odell(1985). Using the documents of Korean governments at the time - Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Commerce and Industry - telegrams and reports from various sources the paper picks a leveling factor during the negotiations. In the paper, we used a dynamic concept of power for describing the negotiating power, and showed Korea succeeded in making the negotiation symmetric using the Special Cooperative Relationship(SCR) as one of the most conspicuous leveling factors during the textile negotiations with the U.S. The paper contributes to finding the factors that can be used in the negotiations with power asymmetry as a leveling factor for weaker country. Also, based on the findings from the paper, future negotiators can get insights on which factors be used, and how to use those factors for leveling the negotiations with a stronger counterpart.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.213-243
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• 2017

In the first half of 2016, Indonesian President Joko "Jokowi" Widodo continued his efforts to secure support from major political parties, often benefiting from internal party conflicts. During the tense campaign for the 2017 Jakarta gubernational election, however, blasphemy charges against incumbent "Ahok", an ethnic Chinese and Christian, put Jokowi in trouble. Led by radical Islamic organizations such as Front Pembela Islam (FPI), half a million people filled Jakarta's streets, calling for Ahok's arrest. The resurgence of identity politics questioned the boundaries of the Indonesian nation and its core premises on the relationship between religion and the state. In the realm of foreign policies, the Jokowi administration maintained its tougher stance against illegal fishing in its waters. In spite of Indonesia's clashes with Chinese vessels in the Natuna sea, however, it is unlikely that the tension will escalate uncontrollably, as the Jokowi administration is seeking investment from rich neighbors for building infrastructure, which will be his key legacy for the 2019 presidential election.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.79-115
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• 2022

This study aims to account for electoral choice in the 2020 presidential election by focusing on social identity which forms the basis for core partisan groups. Two views compete to explain the origins of polarization, policy versus party. One emphasizes policy as more influential in choosing presidential candidates. This follows the tradition of retrospective voting theory in which voters' choice rely on government performance. Incumbent president whose performance proves well are rewarded to be reelected. Policy performance is based on measures around distinctive preferences for government spending. Republican Individuals prefer individual responsibility to government support, while Democratic counterparts support government support. Another perspective put an emphasis on the role partisanship which favors in-party members and disfavors partisan out-groups. Interparty animosity plays the key role in determining electoral behavior. This study relies on the Views of the Electorate Research (VOTER) Survey which provides a panel data of several waves from 2011 to 2020. A comparative evaluation of two views highlights three findings. First, policy matters. Policy preferences of voters are the primary drives of political behavior. Electoral outcomes in 2020 turned out to be the results of policy considerations of voters. 53.7 percent of voters tilted toward individual responsibility voted for Trump, whereas 70.4 percent of those favorable views of government support than individual responsibility voted for Biden. Thus effects of policy correspond to a positive difference of 26.4 percent points. Second, partisanship effects are of similar extent in influencing electoral choice of candidates: Democrats are less likely to vote for Trump by 42.4 percent points, while Republicans are less likely to vote for Biden by 48.7 percent points. Third, animosity of Republicans toward Democrat core groups creates 26.5 percent points of favoring Trump over Biden. Democrat animosity toward Republican core groups creates a positive difference of 13.7 percent points of favoring Biden.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.289-326
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• 2016

The strategy of "soft power" in the foreign and internal policies of modern Russia is one of the important factors in the implementation of public policies, and the influence of soft power is increasingly becoming stronger and gaining new forms and methods of implementation. The Russian government exerts efforts to form a positive image of Russia in the international arena, in order to strengthen the country's competitiveness, based on active use of "soft power." Currently, Russian cultural policy is developing in two main directions. In the internal policy sphere, the Russian government emphasizes national unity and civic solidarity, and fosters a sense of patriotism and national pride. In the sphere of foreign policy, the Russian government is attempting to regain its status as a great power and to create a new image of Russia that is different from that of the former Soviet Russia. In this article, we examine and analyze various aspects of the hidden political mechanisms involved in mega-sporting events, in particular the Sochi Olympics, from the viewpoint of Russian internal and foreign policy. We address the major functions of mega-sporting events and their influence in the political realm. The political impact of mega-sports projects can even compensate for economic losses incurred during the preparation and hosting of the Olympic games. In this respect, we can define mega-sporting events as one of the main components of soft power; such events reflect the basic directions of internal and foreign policy in post-Soviet Russia, which are to form and promote an image of Russia using national branding. In order to fairly and objectively analyze the recognition and perception held by Russians of the significance of mega-sporting events, in this work, we carefully studied the results of various surveys conducted by the Russian research organization VCIOM (Russian Public Opinion Research Center) before and after Russia hosted the Winter Olympic games in Sochi (2014) and the Summer Olympic games in Kazan (2013). Furthermore, on the basis of the ranking of national brands by Simon Anholt (Anholt Nation Brands Index - NBI), and on the basis of the ranking of 100 national brands conducted by the British consulting company "Brand Finance" (Brand Finance Nation Brands 100), we minutely trace the development and qualitative change in Russia's image and the role of the mega-sporting projects. This article also examines the Kremlin's internal and foreign policies that were successfully carried out in practical terms. This study contributes to the understanding of the value of mega-sporting events from the point of view of cultural policy of the current ruling party of Russia. This standpoint allows us to outline the main directions of Russian cultural policy and to suggest perspectives on the branding strategy of modern Russia, including strategies related to consolidating Russia's position in the international arena.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.32
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• pp.103-128
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• 2008

King Jeongjo had lost his father, Sado-Seja(Prince Sado) by Noron(Older Faction). Especially those who tried to kill Sado-Seja and king Jeongjo consisted of king's family-in-law of king Youngjo and Sado-Seja. Therefore king Jeongjo's first goal was to strengthen his kingship than other things because he could gain the throne overcoming the strong hinderance of Noron and king's family-in-law. King Jeongjo requested his subjects to be "Kukbyon-In"(國邊人: a person for king) pointing out the harm of the king's family-in-law and "Tangpyong-Dang"(蕩平黨: the strongest faction consisted under the rule of king Youngjo). For the purpose, king Jeongjo built up "Gyujang-Gak". Gyujang-Gak was spoken to contain and protect the writings of earlier kings superficially, but in reality, it was an apparatus to gain and train the friendly subjects for king Jeongjo. Like that, it was the most important for king Jeongjo to suppress the king's family-in-low and to win Neo-Confucian lterati over to himself's side. Until now, the politics of Joseon Dynasty had been mainly explained on the point of view of "Seonghak-Non"(聖學論). "Seonghak-Non" means that Neo-Confucian lterati were treated as real hero, not kings in the political space of Joseon Dynasty and the role of factions were recognized important. But king Jeongjo denied these ideological stream and tried to change that political system. King Jeongjo wanted to strengthen the throne through the method which insisted the king as a hero in politics. For the purpose, king Jeongjo criticized the Neo-Confucian literati's viewpoint about politics and learning at that time and anticipated to be sole leader of politics and learning on that critique. King Jeongjo aimed to destroy the dignity of "Salim"(山林: Neo-Confucian Sages) with attacking their wrong behaviors. King Jeongjo also criticized the period of king Injo when the regime of "Sarim"(士林: pure Neo-Confucian lterati) faction fully appeared as the starting period when the factional harms were getting worse. King Jeongjo wanted to previously block the oppositions to win subjects over to himself's side with criticizing the period of king Injo and to take away the initiative from his opponents with insisting "Salim-Muyongnon"(山林無用論: a theory ignoring Neo-Confucian Sages). King Jeongjo's critique was not limited just on the system of factional politics. "Seonghak-Non" eventually took root in Neo-Confucianism. Therefore king Jeongjo criticized Neo-Confucianism. He insisted that the essence of Chinese Classics was pragmatical learning, not Neo-Confucianism. Through that critique, king Jeongjo aimed to destroy the ideological base of his opponents. However, king Jeongjo failed to be a sole leader of his subjects in the both boundaries of politics and learning even though he criticized the Neo-Confucian lterati's viewpoint about politics and learning. Because he abruptly died leaving his reformational scheme behind as well as his loyal subjects guarding himself against Noron Byeok-Pa(老論 ?派: the opposing party in Older Faction) were gone behind himself. The politics of Joseon Dynasty returned to more powerful politics for king's family-in-law after king Jeongjo's death.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.195-217
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• 2016

The Convention on Contracts for the International Sale of Goods(CISG) endeavors to increase international trade through the creation of a uniform law of international sales. The CISG applies to contracts of sale of goods between parties whose places of business are in different States. If a party has more than one place of business, the place of business if that which has the closest relationship to the contract and its performance. Despite the importance of a definition for 'place of business,' the CISG does not provide one. Lack of a definition of 'place of business' may cause problems for parties trying to determine whether the CISG applies to their contract. Also Contracting parties can opt out of the CISG. But the CISG does not state whether the parties must expressly exclude the CISG's application to a transaction or whether they might do so by implication. we need to consider how effectively opt out of the CISG. Under U.S. law, the CISG is considered to be a self-executing treaty. So the CISG's provisions apply directly as substantive sales law to contracts for the international sale of goods. Despite the CISG's political and economic significance to U.S., U.S. Courts have overlooked the terms of the CISG. This article considered how to the CISG was recognized, interpreted and applied by the U.S. Courts in related cases.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.53
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• pp.100-120
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• 2011

The inauguration of President Lee Myung-bak symbolizes the success of the "Lost 10 Years" election strategy. This study investigated the meaning of the "Lost 10 Years" strategy and compared this strategy to other traditional propaganda strategies. Although the "Lost 10 Years" is a Grand National Party (GNP) election strategy, it also functions as a conservative propaganda strategy by conservative political groups and media. Thus, this study intends to compare the rhetoric of the GNP with conservative media and find any similarities between the two entities in the context of the "Lost 10 Years" propaganda strategies. This study gathered data from various conservative sources such as the GNP homepage and conservative newspapers to uncover common conservative propaganda messages. The results showed that the first-level propaganda strategies are very similar to the second-level traditional Lasswell strategies. This implies that the "Lost 10 Years" strategy benchmarked traditional propaganda strategies and the GNP won the presidential election because the effectiveness of traditional propaganda strategies was culminated with the support of the conservative media. With these research findings, the study discussed the implications of the propaganda strategies used by conservatives and future research prospects about the subject.