• Survey Research
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.37-57
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• 2001

Much effort has been made to measure regional difference showing the pattern of regionalism in Korea. Focusing the concept of social distance. this paper examines various election and regional preference data. The paper presets three major findings. First. current election data show clear regional cleavage. Second. regional discrimination and prejudice is often found in one's everyday life. Third, political aspect of regionalism is strongly related to social aspect of regionalism. These findings suggest that regionalism in Korea will survive for the time being. The regionalism is rooted in everyday life . To political elites. it became an attractive and economic way to maintain their power. This tendency will promote the preference for parliamentary system among political elites and the possibility of appearance of regional party

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.27
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• pp.31-57
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• 2012

The 19th century could not relatively receive attention from local researchers because it was treated as the past cut off from the present as the formative period of modern states of Latin America. According to the characteristics of area studies which focus on changes of politics and society, studies on past affairs could not have been the main focus of attention. But as new liberalism has appeared in Latin America, is throwing the spotlight on liberalism. In addition, the studies on the 19th century have been activated and gradually expanded. And interpretation about the 19th century's history has been variously arranged. Especially, discussion on liberalism and conservatism was established as the key words which can understand and reconsider Latin America in the 19th century. Colombian liberalism which could not overcome heritage of the colonial period in the 19th century and did appear advocating reformation was another form of authoritarianism. Reformation promoted by liberalism was utilized to keep privilege of the ruling class, not to remove the social and economic structure derived from the colonial period. New reformist forces which advocated mercantilism after the middle of the 19th century but they were formed based on the existing system. Colombian Liberal Party was developed as "Another name of conservatization" by reflecting understanding of the conservatives. Colombian liberalists preferred federalism to cut off from repressive characteristics of Spanish colonial rule and secure autonomy of local control through reformation based on economic understanding. Therefore, discussion on the form of government which focused on federalism and centralism acted as the causes of conflict between Colombian liberalism and conservatism. Based on this point, this study tries to analyze liberalism reforms which is the main issue in the Colombian history in the 19th century and consider history of Colombian political conflicts focusing on federalism. The origin of Violencia which is the political violence and Colombian history in the 19th century which has been a series of rebellion can be considered through this procedure.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2013

This paper aims to study Thai democratic deepening and the constitutional engineering with the analytical concepts of 'power sharing' and 'accountability' focusing on the 1997 and 2007 Constitution. With regard to power sharing, the 1997 Constitution had the characteristics of majoritarian principle including a two-party system, strengthening of prime minister and the executive's power etc. It enhanced significantly the aspects of accountability compared with the previous constitutions. The institutions such as Constitutional Court, Commission on Election, Administration Court, Commission on Human Right, Ombudsman, Commission on Anti-corruption, and the Measure for Anti-money Laundering were established by the 1997 Constitution. However, such empowered accountability system were often abused by the political power groups in the political process. The 2007 Constitution has the characteristics of consensual principle including a multiparty system, proportional representation system, weakened prime minister's power, balancing of cabinet and parliament's power, pushing ahead with decentralization. However, the consensual principle of the 2007 Constitution came, in part, from the factional interests. It is similar to the 1997 Constitution in terms of accountability system, which enhanced in law but abused often in practice. One of the critical reasons for the failure of the 1997 and 2007 constitutions to consolidate democratic system was the political game played around the so-called network for the monarchy composed by the military, the civilian bureaucracy, Constitutional Court and the privileged classes. The future of the Thai democratic deepening depends on the constitutional engineering in which the factional interests should be excluded, and the rules of power sharing and accountability which traditionally played around the network for the monarchy should be effectively institutionalized.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.241-263
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• 2009

This paper explores the impacts of ownership structure on performance of listed firms in China using 1994-2002 data. Using a new ownership classification scheme, this paper analyzes the impact of three factors, the ownership identity, equity ownership by the controlling shareholder, and equity ownership by the minority shareholders, on the performance of firms. Panel regression analysis shows that the firms controlled by the government are outperformed by firms controlled by private owners, supporting the hypothesis that the state pursues political objectives such as excess employment rather than profit maximization or the hypothesis that political interference by the Party or government may cause high political costs. Regression results also show that higher equity ownership by the controlling shareholder improves firm performance in private controlled firms and partially in marketized corporate controlled firms. The results also show that higher equity ownership by relatively large shareholders (from top 2 to top 10 shareholders) leads to better performance in marketized corporate controlled firms and partially in private controlled firms.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.37-79
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• 2017

The major purpose of this paper is to analyze the evolution of the presidential system in South Korea during the past three decades ever since the country's democratization in 1987 from the comparative institutional perspective. As imperial presidentialism during the so-called three Kim's era(1987-2003) disappeared right after the political retirement of the three Kims in 2003, then president-centered presidentialism emerged during the post-three Kim's era, since the country's recent three presidents possessed their relatively low-level of partisan power in terms of their control of National Assemblies and their respective presidents' parties during their presidencies. South Korea has now a strong possibility to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into the American-style separatist presidential system in the near future, since the country's National Assembly has continuously been making its efforts to function as an effective governing body being compatible with the American Congress. In addition, the country's judiciary branch has effectively been playing a political role like the US supreme court ever since the country's democratization in 1987. It is also emphasized that South Korea's civic society is currently playing as a guardian of democracy through its effective and responsive political participations in many public sectors for promoting civic liberties, public welfare, and other democratic values. South Korea now needs to carry out constitutional revisions, political reforms of legislative system, party system, and electoral system as well as correct some contradictory political understandings and habits in a way to transform the current president-centered presidentialism into American-style separatist presidential system in the near future.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.135-170
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• 2018

The recent success of populist parties and candidates in the US and European countries leads to a massive amount of empirical research on populism, a deviant form of representative democracy. Much ink has been spilled to define populism and to identify the causes of its rise and continued success in democratic political system. However, little is known about populist attitudes of individual voters. Using a large-scale online survey fielded in the context of the South Korean presidential election in 2017, this study examines (1) what determines populist attitudes of South Korean voters and (2) how populist attitudes are associated with evaluations of political parties, candidates, and political issues. Statistical analysis reveals that people high on populism are more likely to support an underdog left-wing political party and its presidential candidate, and are less likely to support policies implemented or proposed under the auspices of the Park Geun-hye administration. These findings do not necessarily suggest the inherent affinity between populism and left-wing ideology; rather, it implies populist attitudes happened to appear in 2017, in reactions to lack of confidence in the previous government.

• Journal of Distribution Science
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.59-66
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• 2016

Purpose - The purpose of this study is to find out how shipping company recognizes making partnership with the third party logistics provider and to give implication. Research design, data and methodology - Personal interview and questionnaire by E-mail, Fax, Mail, and telephone were used. 700 copies of the questionnaires were distributed and 155 copied were returned. Among collected questionnaires, 20 copies were excluded because of insufficient content, and therefore 135 copies were used. Results - Korea should change into new paradigm from old one based on current economic and social systems which has stemmed from bureaucracy, inflexibility chauvinism and equalitarianism. Flexible policies, administration and systems will be needed for better business practices. The Domestic logistics corporation needs to preoccupy strategic logistics hub and network. Conclusions - To be a center of North East Logistics, Korea needs more reasonable business law, systems and policies. Social norms and orders should be established to accomplish political and social security. A paradigm of the policy ruling over development of capital city and satellite cities shall make change.

• Korean Journal of Rural Living Science
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.145-160
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• 1997

This paper is a part of “The Study of the Traditional Korean Ethenic Farmhousing in Yanbian, China”. The purpose of this study is to identify reception behavior and places for guests of the traditional farmhouse. In this study, a survey using questionnaire was conducted in which one hundred and twenty four farmhouses were analyzed thoroughly. The major findings are as follows : 1) Most frequent guest receptions among Dallejae residents are casual meetings of relatives and non-relatives, husbands' birthday parties, one-year birthday Parties of children, wedding receptions, and Whankap (sixtieth birthday party). 2) They receive guests and serve them at Chung-ji-kan and Oot-bang. 3) Reception behavior has undergone change along with social, political, and economical changes. They receive guests with much more hospitalities than before. Only memorial services are simplified compared to the past.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.20 no.12
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• pp.135-143
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• 2022

This paper aims to grasp what propensity users have in their ideology from the comments in the Web Portal News and the Press Website News. Through these analytical results, the political propensities of not only the Web Portal News and the Press Website News but also the voters who use these news media could be grasped. The collection of data necessary for this study has been made from the comments of 174 news stories for about 90 days before the election day. For the analysis, T-test has been used in order to compare Naver News with Daum News, the Minjoo Party of Korea with the People Power Party, and the Press Web Site News with Naver News. As a result of the analysis, the comments of Naver News took the higher percentage in the positive writings about the candidates of the conservative party. but, in contrast, those of Daum News in that percentage were higher about the ones of the progressive party. Accordingly, it can be found that Naver News is mainly used by users with the politically conservative propensity, while Daum News is mostly used by those with progressive one.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.23 no.5
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• pp.223-230
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• 2023

The People's Republic of China's influence in the international community is growing in political, economic, military, and diplomatic spheres. The "reform and opening-up" policy proposed and implemented at the 11th Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee in December 1978 under Deng Xiaoping led to the rapid growth of China's economic and military power. The establishment of the National Defense Mobilization Commission in 1994 during Jiang Zemin's presidency also promoted defense mobilization, and the Standing Committees of the 9th, 10th, and 11th National People's Congresses, held since December 1998, formulated plans for defense mobilization legislation, and the first draft of the Defense Mobilization Law was approved in August 2008. In November 2005, under the leadership of President Hu Jintao, the draft Defense Mobilization Law passed the Standing Committee of the State Council, and in February 2010, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress passed it after several rounds of deliberation and amendment, and the Defense Mobilization Law has been promulgated and implemented since July 1, 2010. The People's Republic of China is ruled by the one-party dictatorship of the Communist Party of China and the People's Liberation Army, the armed forces of the Communist Party of China. In this paper, it reviews the contents of the Defense Mobilization Law of China, a totalitarian state, analyzes and evaluates the issues.