• 의정연구
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• 제23권2호
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• pp.5-36
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• 2017

촛불의 분노는 부패한 박근혜 정부를 무너뜨리고 문재인 정부를 탄생시켰다. 촛불의 거시적 배경은 세계화와 신자유주의가 조성한 사회적 부조리와 불평등이며 촛불은 광범한 사회개혁과 복지국가를 요구한다. 문재인 정부가 촛불의 요구를 실현하려면 정치제도를 개혁해야 한다. 개혁의 핵심은 촛불의 요구를수용하는 것이며 이를 위해서는 비례대표제와 의회중심제가 절대적이다. 그러나 현실은 제도 개혁에 대해 수동적이고 미온적이다. 이런 점은 기득권 엘리트가 촛불이 웅변하는 변혁보다는 현상유지를 바라기 때문이다. 왜 비례대표제와 의회중심제가 민심을 반영하는가에 대한 지식과 정보가 광범위하게 확산되어야 한다. 학자는 정부형태와 사회적 요구 사이의 관계에 대해 논쟁하여 문제를 제기하고 미디어는 학문적 논의가 헌법개혁과 정치제도로 나타나도록 기여해야 한다. 비례대표제와 다당제 하에서 다양한 사회적 이해가 반영되며 이는 연합정부를 매개로 정책으로 실현된다. 중산층 정당과 진보정당은 보편복지를통해 연합정부에 참여하고 복지국가재정에 필요한 증세를 추진한다. 강력한정당기능에 기초한 의회중심제는 정당의 대표기능이 상대적으로 취약한 대통령제에 비해 강력한 사회정책을 제공한다.

• 한국지역사회생활과학회지
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• 제16권2호
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• pp.61-73
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• 2005

This study aims to examine the socio-demographic heterogeneity of community participation in rural Korea. Data was collected through interviews with 1,870 rural householders and housewives who have lived in Up or Myen as an administrative unit of rural communities, and analyzed by the SPSS/PC Win V.10 program. The statistical techniques used for this study were frequency and percentile. The major findings of this study were as follows. Firstly, the extent to which rural people have participated in community organizations were: cooperative groups, $80.8\%$; religious groups, $20.6\%$; learning groups, $12.7\%$; political groups, $9.8\%;$ civil groups $6.7\%$; and voluntary groups, $5.3\%$. Whereas the numbers were high for community participation in groups related to agricultural production, participation in civil and voluntary groups were lower. Secondly, it showed that people who lived in urbanized and high population density areas were more likely to participate in community groups. The diversity of community organizations was different according to the level of rurality. Thirdly, farm householders were more likely to participate in religious, civil and voluntary groups than non-farm householders. Fourthly, people with higher education, females, those in the 40 to 50 age groups were more likely to participate in community organizations. Fifthly, even though men are more likely to participate in political parties, women were more likely then men to agree that women should participate in political parties. This empirical study could support the results of Sundeen (1988) and Wilson and Musick (1997) in that education was related positively to community participation. In addition, we concluded that community participation in a rural development process has two main considerations: philosophical and pragmatic. This implies that there is room for government to enable and facilitate 'true' community participation. That can be done through policy reform which creates a permissive environment for community decision-making and input, in addition to simply supporting community development through financial assistance.

• The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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• 제9권3호
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• pp.235-243
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• 2022

To help the industry, outsourcing was found to be the most efficient method. An extensive literature analysis was done to assess the macroeconomic factors associated with outsourcing to supplement the anxious parties' decision-making process with evidence-based comprehensive tools. As a theoretical framework for evaluating these issues, transaction cost economies and resource-based perspective theories are investigated. Outsourcing is proven to be a result of energy crises and political instability. The advantages of outsourcing assist major industries in the economy. To discover the key drivers behind outsourcing, we used the vector autoregressive (VAR model) and step-wise regression techniques for the period 1992 to 2016. This research adds to the literature in that it not only explains the energy issue but also discusses the dilemma of political instability in the country in the context of outsourcing. The findings indicate that labor cost and export tendency have a positive impact on outsourcing strategy, which confirms the study's third and fourth hypotheses. Customs tax, inflation, and the unemployment rate, on the other hand, have a negative impact on textile outsourcing in Pakistan, according to the study's fifth, sixth, and seventh hypotheses.

• 무역상무연구
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• 제50권
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• pp.215-250
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• 2011

Korean won overseas construction projects worth 71.6 billion US Dollars in 2010, which exceeded that of 2009 by 45.6%. An overseas construction project is a transaction of large scale, long term project, many parties participating, deferred payment, and of high-technology. It contributes to foreign currency earning, and also leads the nation's export restructuring work towards high value-added one. There are various kinds of risks towards the relevant parties respectively, which are key elements in successfully performing the overseas construction project. There are completion risk, financing risk, operating risk, revenue risk etc, in an employer's place. A contractor may be confronted with payment risk, issuance risk of performance bond, financing risk, performance risk of sub-contractors, and exchange rate risk. In lenders place there are repayment risk, completion risk, and political risk in the host country. In order to mitigate risks, the parties shall take relevant measures or require relevant securities. A contractor needs to evaluate the credibility of an employer in respect of payment risk, and can also request export insurance cover by the Korea Trade Insurance Corporation(the former 'Korea Export Insurance Corporation"). An employer can require a contractor to provide performance bond in respect of completion risk, and employ a well-known first class bank as a mandated arranger to arrange financing with regard to completion risk. Lenders needs to evaluate the credibility of an employer and accomplish feasibility study of the project. Lenders can request insurance cover from export credit agency. Once the parties assess the respective risks and obtain relevant securities, the project will be successfully completed. The success of the project will be sure to bring the parties involved enormous profits and another opportunity to participate in overseas construction project afterwards.

• 환경정책연구
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.31-54
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• 2004

This paper aims at analyzing the issues on how to improve UNEP's roles in international environmental governance context. Although UNEP has been presumed to play a leading role in addressing global environment problems, several problems (such as collective action problem, fragmentation, lack of authority and insufficient legitimacy) in its governance have led to losing its leadership to other entities such as the World Bank, OECD and CSD. While a position of changing UNEP's status to an independent international organization has not been developed enough, several efforts, which might not be sufficient to respond to the changing environment of international environmental governance, have been made to strengthen UNEP's roles in the short run. These include universal membership, strengthening the financing of UNEP, and issues concerning MEAs. Whether current efforts for enhancing UNEP's roles in international environmental governance will be successful or not, would rely on to what extent interested parties hold political wills for its reforms and how to draw a compromise on critical issues among those parties.

• 한국농촌생활과학회지
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.145-160
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• 1997

This paper is a part of “The Study of the Traditional Korean Ethenic Farmhousing in Yanbian, China”. The purpose of this study is to identify reception behavior and places for guests of the traditional farmhouse. In this study, a survey using questionnaire was conducted in which one hundred and twenty four farmhouses were analyzed thoroughly. The major findings are as follows : 1) Most frequent guest receptions among Dallejae residents are casual meetings of relatives and non-relatives, husbands' birthday parties, one-year birthday Parties of children, wedding receptions, and Whankap (sixtieth birthday party). 2) They receive guests and serve them at Chung-ji-kan and Oot-bang. 3) Reception behavior has undergone change along with social, political, and economical changes. They receive guests with much more hospitalities than before. Only memorial services are simplified compared to the past.

• 보건행정학회지
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.179-193
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• 1992

This paper attempts to explain why the prescribing-dispensing services are not seperated in Korea. The main reason why physicians and pharmacists do not compromise, even though the two parties support the seperation policy in public, is contended to be that both parties would lose their interests if the policy were implemented. Physicians' loss from giving up their vested rights to dispensing would be larger than their gain from an increase in the number of prescriptions. Pharmacists' loww from being forced not to to sell medicines without prescriptions would also be larger than their gain from prohibiting physicians from dispensing. The net ganier form the seperation policy would be the patients. Therefore, the seperation policy would not be implemented unless political pressure from general public surpasses that from physicians and pharmacists.

• 의정연구
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.135-170
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• 2018

이 연구는 한국에서의 포퓰리즘(populism) 논의를 정치 체제 혹은 정당 구조와 같은 거시적인 차원이 아니라 유권자라는 미시적 차원으로 전환하여, 개인의 포퓰리즘 성향(populist attitudes)과 정치행태 간에 어떠한 관계가 있는 지 확인하는 작업이다. 2017년 대통령 선거를 배경으로 실시한 온라인 설문자료 분석 결과, 기성정치에 대한 불신과 "일반 국민(people)"이라는 배타적 인 내집단(in-group) 인식을 기반으로 하는 포퓰리즘 성향이 높은 사람들은 다음과 같은 특징을 보였다. 첫째, 정치에 대한 신뢰도가 낮거나 정치를 혐오하는 사람들과는 달리 포퓰리즘 성향이 높은 사람들은 정치에 대한 관심이 높고, 정치 참여에 적극적인 경향성을 띠고 있었다. 둘째, 포퓰리즘 성향이 높은 사람들은 양대 정당인 더불어민주당과 자유한국당, 그리고 그 정당 소속 대선 후보들에 대해 낮은 호감도를 보였고, 상대적으로 정의당과 심상정 후보에 대해서는 높은 호감도를 보였다. 셋째, 포퓰리즘 성향이 높은 사람들은 박근혜 정권 때 집행되거나 추진된 정책에 대해서 부정적인 태도를 보였다. 이러한 결과는 포퓰리즘 성향과 진보 성향 간의 친화성을 보여준다기보다는, 박근혜 정권이 기성 정치를 대변하고 있었던 시대적 특수성에 기인한다고 할 수 있다. 이에 유권자의 포퓰리즘 성향이 정치 지형의 변화에 따라 어떻게 다른 방식으로 여론 혹은 투표 행태에 투영될 수 있는지에 대해서 보다 장기적이면서 포괄적인 연구가 필요하다고 판단된다.

• STI Policy Review
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.54-86
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• 2015

The study examines the U.S. Small Business Innovation Research (SBIR) program, with a focus on the recent Reauthorization, and compares, in the political context, the U.S. and East Asian countries-Japan, Korea and Taiwan-that adopted the U.S. SBIR program. For the systematic analysis and cross-country comparison, the study employs Kingdon (2003)'s framework-his political theory and Garbage Can Model-to identify political participants and processes underlying the SBIR Reauthorization and to analyze the differences in problem, policy, and politics streams between the U.S. and East Asian countries. For the cross-country comparison, specifically, the study uses various data sources such as OECD, Global Entrepreneurship Monitor, Hofstede's Cultural Dimensions, and World Value Survey. Based on the analysis outcomes, implications of U.S. practices on East Asian countries are extracted as follows. East Asian countries tend to: Have higher entrepreneurial aspiration while lower entrepreneurial activity and attitude than the U.S.; bear higher long term orientation and uncertainty avoidance while lower individualism than the U.S.; and have greater expectations of technology development and higher confidence in political parties while participating less in political action than the U.S. Drawing on the differences, the following policy recommendations are suggested. East Asian countries should: Improve entrepreneurs' access to resources (in particular, financial resource) in order to link their high entrepreneurial aspiration to actual entrepreneurial activities; cultivate failure-tolerating culture and risk-taking entrepreneurs, for instance, by providing a second chance to SBIR-participating businesses that failed to materialize their innovative ideas; and leverage their high expectations of new technology in order to take bold actions regarding their SBIR programs, and update the programs by drawing out constructive dialogues between SBIR stakeholders.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제61권4호
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• pp.35-59
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• 2009

이 연구는 사회성원들의 사회정책 선호와 그러한 선호 표출의 제도적 장치인 정치제도에 따라 사회정책이 결정됨을 이론모형으로 제시하려 했다. 우선, 직접 민주주의 정치체제에서는 중위투표자의 사회정책 선호가 집합적 선택의 결과가 된다. 따라서 사회성원들의 사회정책 선호가 사회정책의 결정을 설명하는 핵심적 변수이다. 하지만 현실에서 사회정책의 결정은 직접 민주주의 방식으로 이루어지지 않는다. 이 연구에서는 사회정책에 대한 집합적 선택의 기제인 정치제도를 선거경쟁의 제도화 여부와 선거규칙의 특성에 따라 세 가지로 유형화하였다. 그를 통해 사회성원들의 선호가 동일하다고 할지라도 사회정책에 대한 집합적 선택의 기제인 정치제도에 따라 집합적으로 결정되는 사회정책의 수준은 상이하다는 점을 보이고자 했다. 결론적으로 이 글에서 제시한 이론모형은 현실에 존재하는 다양한 복지체제들이 사회성원들의 선호를 제약하는 제도적 조건들, 그에 따라 나타나는 사회성원들의 사회정책 선호, 그리고 사회성원들의 사회정책 선호를 집합적으로 모으는 정치제도의 차이에 의해 만들어진다는 점을 강조한다.