• Title/Summary/Keyword: Political Participation

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Quality Indicator Based Recommendation System of the National Assembly Members for Political Sponsors (품질지표기반 정치 후원금 지원을 위한 국회의원 추천시스템 연구)

  • Jung, Hyun Woo;Yoon, Hyung Jun;Lee, See Eun;Park, Sol Hee;Sohn, So Young
    • Journal of Korean Society for Quality Management
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    • v.49 no.1
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    • pp.17-29
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    • 2021
  • Purpose: During 2015-2019, the average amount of political donation to the national assembly members in Korea was 1,000 won per person. Despite its benefits such as receiving tax credits, the donation system has not been actively practiced. This paper aims to promote political donations by suggesting a recommendation system of national assembly members by analysing the bills they proposed. Methods: In this paper, we propose a recommendation system based on two aspects: how similar the newly proposed or ammended bills are to the sponsors' interest (similarity index) and how much effort national assembly members put into those bills (intensity index). More than 25,000 bills were used to measure the recommendation quality index consisted with both the similarity and the intensity indices. Word2vec was used to calculate the similarity index of the bills proposed by the national assembly member to the sponsor's interest. The intensity index is calculated by diving the number of newly proposed or entirely revised bills with the number of senators who took part in those bills. Subsequently, we multiply the similarity index by the intensity index to obtain the recommendation quality index that can assist sponsors to identify potential assembly members for their donation. Results: We apply the proposed recommendation system to personas for illustration. The recommendation system showed an average f1 score about 0.69. The analysis results provide insights in recommendation for donation. Conclusion: n this study, the recommendation system was proposed to promote a political donation for national assembly members by creating the recommendation quality index based on the similarity and the intensity indices. We expect that the system presented in this paper will lower user barriers to political information, thereby boosting political sponsorship and increasing political participation.

A Study on the Participation's Status and Promotion Plan of Senior Social Activity Support Project (노인 사회활동 지원사업의 참여 실태 및 활성화 방안 연구)

  • Hyun, Ta-kyung;Kim, Hyung-mo
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.16 no.7
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    • pp.264-278
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    • 2016
  • This study aims to examine the participation status and working conditions of seniors that participate in senior social activity support project, and analyze the influential relationship with subjective participation satisfaction based on participant attributes. In terms of the participation status, participating seniors became aware of the project through facilities and about 70% participated in the public interest type; the primary goal was for a short-term financial preservation. As an analysis result on participation effectiveness, longer participation period and time affected the participation seniors' working conditions and self-esteem negatively, implying that a flexible and effective operation of participation period is necessary. Also, while seniors with financial stability were more positively affected on their subjective satisfaction, other significant variables had negative effects. This study holds a significance in providing political implications as the basic data to improve and vitalize future senior social activity support project through the analysis of effectiveness, such as working conditions, self-esteem and subjective satisfaction based on participant attributes, including participant characteristics, participation status and participation degree.

Analysis of the Impact of votes on Political involvement, Candidates attitude, Policy support and Voters variables in the Engagement attributes Focus on the campaign of 18th Presidential Election in 2012 (인게이지먼트 속성에서 정치관여도, 후보자태도, 정책 지지도와 유권자의 변수가 득표에 미치는 영향 분석 -2012년 제 18대 대통령선거에서 나타난 정치캠페인을 중심으로)

  • Kim, Man-Ki
    • Journal of Digital Convergence
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    • v.13 no.3
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    • pp.49-54
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    • 2015
  • This study carried out a survey targeting sample of 609 audience panel voters of 15 regions including Seoul during the campaign period of Korean presidential election on December 19, 2012. It was analyzed that how the attitude to the candidate, the support to the policy and the voters'variables affected the vote-getting in the engagement attributes. The analysis shows that high participation of the engagement attributes does not always mean that the political candidate is satisfactory at the political campaign. The fact that high engagement attribute does not always affect the other attributes is interpreted that engagement attributes do not have correlation at the political campaign. And the candidate should approach the voters more carefully as there are differences among the engagement attributes in the attitude to the candidate and the support to the policy. In the engagement attributes, voters show little difference according to gender, region, income and marriage but show much difference according to age and education level. So it will be a principal index in the future political campaign.

Intelligent Information Technology and Democracy : Algorithm-driven Information Environment and Politics (지능정보기술과 민주주의: 알고리즘 정보환경과 정치의 문제)

  • Min, Hee;Kim, Jeong-Yeon
    • Informatization Policy
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    • v.26 no.2
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    • pp.81-95
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    • 2019
  • This study explores how the advanced data analysis capabilities of intelligent information technology are being utilized in politics. In particular, we focus on the fact that voter behavioral targeting in election campaigns comes into conflict with the democratic process in various ways. For this purpose, this study examines political micro-targeting and political bots. It is aimed at showing that these technology-based campaign techniques work as a factor preventing free expression of opinions and discussions, which are the core of democracy itself. Then we identify the attributes of the algorithm that affects them. As a result, this study suggests that the following issues might arise regarding intelligent information technology-based politics and democracy. First, inequality in political participation becomes more severe. Second, the public debate between voters gets more difficult. Third, superficial politics is prevalent. Fourth, single-issue politics and the exclusion of political representation is likely to increase. Fifth, political privacy might also be invaded. Based on our discussions, this study concludes that it is our role to find ways by which intelligent information technology and democracy can coexist.

Development Inequalities in Autonomous Regions: A Study Pre-and Post- Special Autonomy in Indonesia's Most Eastern Provinces

  • Iek, Mesak;Blesia, Jhon Urasti
    • The Journal of Asian Finance, Economics and Business
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    • v.6 no.1
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    • pp.303-314
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    • 2019
  • Indonesia's most eastern provinces enjoy special autonomy status but still suffer from the highest poverty level in the entire nation. Using the Williamson index to test the Simon Kuznets theory, this study examines development equality at pre-and post-special autonomy in the provinces of Papua and West Papua. It uses gross domestic products per capita and population from 29 regencies/cities in Papua and 13 regencies/cities in West Papua to measure the Williamson index in addition to in-depth interviews with legislative members and document analysis to validate the findings. The study found that the regional development gap before special autonomy is relatively smaller than that existing after special autonomy. The Kuznets' curve is not proven in the special autonomy era, meaning that the imposition of autonomy status has led to the creation of a higher development gap in these provinces. Although the special autonomy status has prompted an increased opportunity for political participation by the indigenous people, greater challenges are posed by the lack of human resources, poor government administration, difficult geographical access and the issue of land acquisition. Continuous development initiatives followed up with adequate supervision, greater transparency and law enforcement from government bureaucrats and legislatures are recommended to reduce the inequality.

Being True to Oneself: Sewol Ferry Disaster and Homeland Politics of Korean Immigrants in Britain

  • Shin, Mijoo;Han, Heejin
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.3 no.2
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    • pp.33-57
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    • 2019
  • After the tragic incident of the sinking of Sewol in spring 2014, Korean migrants in Britain began to hold street protests in London. These protestors condemned the Korean government for the lack of appropriate responses to the accident, and for its failure to conduct proper investigation on the issue. The small group of protestors held silent street protests every month at Trafalgar Square, despite not gaining much media coverage nor public attention. These migrants' almost three-year long protest outside their homeland is puzzling. Not only did they live in Britain for a long time to the extent that they regard the country as their second home, but they also exert scant amount of influence on the political landscape in South Korea. What can then account for these individuals' participation in activism related to their homeland politics? In this paper, we utilize the concept of 'moral identity' to explain the behaviors of Korean migrants involved in the street protests. These migrants had strong 'moral identity', which triggered a sense of responsibility to act when their cherished moral values were jeopardized. Korean migrants who possessed a strong sense of moral identity placed huge importance on living in accordance with their moral values. It is a way of upholding their self-esteem and sustaining their ideal self.

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Study on Gamer Participation 2.0- Focus on Gamers' Communication Mediation (O-S-O-R) Model and Gamers' Communicative Ecology (게이머 참여 2.0 메커니즘 연구-게이머 커뮤니케이션 매개 O-S-O-R 모델과 게이머 커뮤니케이션 생태를 중심으로)

  • Jung, Chang Won
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.22 no.9
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    • pp.95-103
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    • 2022
  • This study aims to understand a gamer participatory mechanism by comparing Gamer Participation 1.0(Bartz Liberation War) and Gamer Participation 2.0(Truck Demonstration). The process of gamers' political participation is analyzed by applying the communication-mediated O-S-O-R model with the case of gamers' truck protests caused by probability items' issue. This study found out that changes in the social, technological, and discursive layers that constitute the gamer's communication ecology led to diversification of communication channels and changes in the perception of games. Gamers utilized the technological layer of the media environment that presupposes immediate mutual communication, expressed opinions on issues in the mobilization process, and shared the necessity of participation to derive collective mobilization. Through communication, gamers were able to participate in socio-political issues with high participation thresholds. This study is significant in that it discussed the gamers' democratic citizenship and role as issue publics. The study suggests that the need for theoretical and methodological expansion to analyze various participatory cases.

The Conditions of Communication for Autonomous Political Participation -Concentrating on the theories of J. Rawls and J. Habermas.- (자율적 정치참여를 위한 의사소통의 조건 -롤즈와 하버마스를 중심으로-)

  • Hong, Sung-Ku
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.19
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    • pp.295-327
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    • 2002
  • Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.

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Differential Media Effects on Candidates' Image and Correlations Among Media Use, Interpersonal Communication, and Voting Participation (후보자 이미지 형성에 관한 미디어의 차별적 효과와 미디어 이용, 대인커뮤니케이션, 투표참여 간의 상호관계에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Jin-Young
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.32
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    • pp.113-146
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    • 2006
  • This study explored how media and interpersonal communication affected voters in Busan mayoral by-election, focusing on the mutual relations among media use and attentive use of political campaign, interpersonal communication, and voting participation. Also, comparative analysis between image factor and the factor of political party influencing the decision of a candidate were examined. Additionally, it was analysed differential media effects on candidates' image. According to the results, the local media use and attentive use of political campaign had the influence on the increase of interpersonal communication about the election. Voters who had much interpersonal discussion with others participated more than voters who had less interpersonal discussion. Media use did not directly affect the participation of voting, but indirectly contributed to participation of voting through interpersonal discussion. The assumption of differential media effects on candidates image was partly proved. There were statistically significant differences in the factor of competence of candidates' image among three experimental groups (attentive use of TV discussion program, Internet web sites of two candidates, and printing materials of political advertisement). Furthermore, with three main vote variables, issues, candidates image, party identification, the results of comparative analysis between image factor and the factor of political party influencing the choice of a candidate suggested that a sense of oneness with a party was highly related to the choice of the candidates of the party, however, candidates' image was not related to the decision of a candidate. Political party had more impact on for whom to vote than candidates' image in this study.

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Railway Governance and Power Structure in China

  • Lee, Jinjing
    • International Journal of Railway
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    • v.1 no.4
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    • pp.129-133
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    • 2008
  • Over the last $15{\sim}20$years, many countries have adopted policies of railway privatization to keep up with increasing competition from road and air transport. Although each country and case has its own history, market characteristics, political context as well as administrative process, railway privatizations (including railway restructure, concession etc.) in the west usually are accompanied with the establishment of new regulatory regimes. Therefore, railway governance has been innovating towards an interaction of government, regulator, industry bodies, user groups, trade unions and other interested groups within the regulatory framework. However, it is not the case in China. Although China had seen a partial privatization in some branch lines and is experiencing a much larger-scale privatization by establishing joint-ventures to build and operate high-speed passenger lines and implementing an asset-based securitization program, administrative control still occupies absolutely dominant position in the railway governance in China. Ministry of Railway (MOR) acts as the administrator, operator as well as regulator. There is no national policy that clearly positions railway in the transportation network and clarifies the role of government in railway development. There is also little participation from interested groups in the railway policy making, pricing, service standard or safety matter. Railway in China is solely governed by the mere executive agency. Efficiency-focused economic perspective explanation is far from satisfaction. A wider research perspective from political and social regime is of great potential to better explain and solve the problem. In the west, separation and constrains of power had long been established as a fundamental rule. In addition to internal separation of political power(legislation, execution and jurisdiction), rise of corporation in the 19th century and association revolution in the 20th century greatly fostered the growth of economic and social power. Therefore, political, social and economic organizations cooperate and compete with each other, which leads to a balanced and resonable power structure. While in China, political power, mainly party-controlled administrative power has been keeping a dominated position since the time of plan economy. Although the economic reform promoted the growth of economic power of enterprises, it is still not strong enough to compete with political power. Furthermore, under rigid political control, social organizations usually are affiliated to government, independent social power is still too weak to function. So, duo to the limited and slow reform in political and social regime in China, there is an unbalanced power structure within which political power is dominant, economic power expanding while social power still absent. Totally different power structure in China determines the fundamental institutional environment of her railway privatization and governance. It is expected that the exploration of who act behind railway governance and their acting strength (a power theory) will present us a better picture of railway governance as a relevant transportation mode. The paper first examines the railway governance in China and preliminarily establishes a linkage between railway governance and its fundamental institutional environment, i.e. power structure in a specific country. Secondly, the reason why there is no national policy in China is explored in the view of political power. In China, legislative power is more symbolic while party-controlled administrative power dominates political process and plays a fundamental role in Chinese railway governance. And then, in the part three railway finance reform is analyzed in the view of economic power, esp. the relationship of political power and economic power.

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