• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.2-12
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• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.433-445
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• 2017

This study uses a macro-viewpoint to investigate how female world leaders' clothing behaviors are different by nation and culture. This study conducted a comparative study on clothing behavior by cultural block in order to understand similarities and differences based on Hofstede's cultural dimensions theory. The findings are as follows. First, the clothing styles of female world leaders are categorized into classical suit style, national traditional style, and eclectic style. Second, classic suit style is more often found in countries characterized by high individualism, low power distance index, and low avoidance index. The style represents individual activity and rationality as well as trust towards women acting in men's roles. Third, a national traditional style is found in countries featuring high collectivism, high power distance index, and high uncertainty avoidance index. These countries share a culture that emphasizes harmony with the whole, rather than any one given part; consequently, clothing style represents a national identity (or the roles as a national member) rather than that of the individual level. Fourth, an eclectic clothing style is expressed in a mixture of classical suits and a national traditional style that depends on how much Eastern and Western cultures are reasonably compromised or Eastern tradition and Western culture coexist.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.3 no.4
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• pp.176-197
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• 2016

Despite being a key concept of International Relations theory, there is no consensus about what the national interest is. It is almost impossible for political leaders of democratic states to make a crucial decision in foreign policies when considering only the national interest without public support. Rather, we are unable to imagine the national interest without public opinion. In general, international crises galvanize people who held different opinions and unify social cleavages, such as secular-religious identities, into a nation that acts in its national interest. The author proposes a method to operationalize the key concept and describes a relationship between the national interest and religious identities in a democratic state. The selected case is the state of Israel. It is believed that Israel is a good example to think about the association between foreign affairs and political attitudes since it is characterized as a socio-religious divided society and has often waged war against Arab military forces.

• Proceedings of the Korea Information Processing Society Conference
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• 2014.11a
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• pp.928-931
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• 2014

The detection of human behavior from social media revolutionized health, business, criminal and political prediction. Significance of it, in incentive transformation of public opinion had already proven for developed countries in improving democratic process of elections. In $3^{rd}$ World countries, voters poll votes for personal interests being unaware of party manifesto or national interest. These issues can be addressed by social media, resulting as ongoing process of improvement for presently adopted electoral procedures. On the optimistic side, people of such countries applied social media to garner support and campaign for political parties in General Elections. Political leaders, parties, and people empowered themselves with social media, in disseminating party's agenda and advocacy of party's ideology on social media without much campaigning cost. To study effectiveness of social media inferred from individual's political behavior, large scale analysis, sentiment detection & tweet classification was done in order to classify, predict and forecast election results. The experimental results depicts that social media content can be used as an effective indicator for capturing political behaviors of different parties positive, negative and neutral behavior of the party followers as well as party campaign impact can be predicted from the analysis.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.12
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• pp.247-256
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• 2017

21st century has become an era can design human's image. By designing the each human's images it is possible to express the hidden abilities of their mind. Modern society changes rapidly where the elements such as consideration, sympathy, understandings, and female leadership of communication emerge as a spur rather than speediness or complexity.In a lot of global conglomerates, it is very common for women to be selected as CEO, and even more, the rate of woman who are the member of Congress is almost 40%. The fashion of female leader has come to the fore with an improvement of female leadership, and the fashion colour which is suitable to P.O has been developed as a significant image strategy. I am going to conduct the research and analyse the fashion of a female political leader through the colour image which is equivalent to a visual image and sensitive language. I will analyze the human image which female leaders present through fashion colors.

• The Korean Journal of Coaching Psychology
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.127-152
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• 2023

Employees' innovative behavior is crucial for organizations to maintain competitiveness and foster growth. Empowering leadership coaching styles, which delegate authority and responsibility to organizational members while respecting their autonomy, create opportunities for members to solve problems and present innovative ideas. Drawing on signal theory, this study aims to clarify the process through which political skill influences employees' work innovative behavior, mediated by empowering leadership. Additionally, we examine whether the leader's implicit followership prototype moderates the relationship between employees' political skills and empowering leadership. Survey data were collected in two rounds with a two-week lag from 180 employees in a manufacturing company in South Korea. The results revealed that political skill was related to empowering leadership and subsequent work innovative behavior. Furthermore, the leaders' implicit followership prototype strengthened the relationship between political skill and empowering leadership. This study provides meaningful theoretical and practical insights into empowering coaching styles.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.23-65
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• 2009

This study originates from the examination of both Soviet Russia's and contemporary Russia's tabula rasa that numerous comprehensive national exertions have been trying to overcome, relying on the creation of numerous national emblems, political symbols, and even folkloric materials. With this mind, this work substantiates how the political and cultural symbols have been created in the contemporary socio-political and socio-cultural discourse in Russia. As with the political symbols that most recently been studied by Lee Trepanier, it must be recognized that contemporary social movements and political discourses have failed to "articulate a concrete political vision that reflects a consensus among elites, nor have any gained popular support" as the author confessed already. Concomitant to this general consensus, as Roy Medvedev has put it, we can contend that "today's leaders in Russia have no new ideology, and the mass of the people have no strong new national idea."

• Journal of the Korea Safety Management & Science
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.121-131
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• 2003

This study centers on how the electronic democracy which is expected to be a political system of information society may increase civic participation and develop political system. On the other hand, critics of internet voting claim that the technology required to properly authenticate voters and assure the accuracy and integrity of the election system either does not exist or is not widespread enough in society to be equitable and effective. In order to capture the potential that this new technology offers, it must be implemented correctly, upon a well-conceived framework of standards and procedures. At the same time, government must seek the advice of industry leaders as well as social activists so as to avoid the many obstacles that will undoubtedly arise.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.1-13
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• 2013

The purpose of this study is to examine the power images in the style of a leader: through the focus on the portrait of Henry VIII. Study methods on the literature concerning viewpoints of power and image in the early modern age and the subjects of power are being used for theoretical backgrounds; and the visual data from National Portrait Gallery, British Library and the internet are used for exploratory studies. The results of this study are as follows. First, from the style of Henry VIII who represented the image of political power, the modern political phenomenon can be defined. Such phenomenon which displays images of political leaders from the study indicate an effective strategy. Second, the religious, a diplomatic representation for the style of Henry VIII powers, such as costume style and somatic visual images, represents the dignity and power by delivering visible internal attributes. Thus, the role model recognized by the society and the public's perception of leadership style affects the acknowledgement and belief by the people.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.44-58
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• 2017

Scholars have long debated the factors that drive political participation and have recently applied theories, developed from analyses of citizens from Europe and the United States, to respondents in the democratizing countries of Asia. In both Hong Kong and Singapore, however, citizens attend rallies and contact officials - yet do so under authoritarian governance. Are the causes of political participation in these cities similar to what is observed in other groups of respondents across Asia? Or, do institutions influence whether individuals participate? In this paper, I evaluate the development of liberal norms of engagement in both cities as a function of traditional models of participation. As citizens in these cities possess some of the highest standards of living in the region, they should also face frustrations with the limited democratic accountability of their leaders. Ultimately, individuals in each city have developed support for democracy but, given the differing goals of each regime, the nature of democratic engagement differs considerably. In Singapore, citizens are mobilized to engage and participate but support the status quo. By contrast, engaged Hong Kong residents participate out of a frustration with the government, a function of their high levels of internal efficacy and institutional detachment.