• Strategy21
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• s.30
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• pp.236-262
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• 2012

Morgenthau claims that in international relations, there are the economic, political, and military powers that enable a nation to achieve its political and diplomatic goals. This paper explores the possibility of resolving international conflicts with naval power. First, the theoretical and historical perspective, naval power was used as a final resort to force a nation's political or diplomatic objective on an enemy nation when negotiations failed, and this was done through the physical and psychological destruction of the enemy by naval power. But as the use of military power has decreased because of the invention of the nuclear weapon, the existence of a large and capable navy deterrent has become one of the most useful military options among a nation's diplomatic measures. In other words, he focused on the political usefulness of naval power as a deterrent and coercive diplomatic tool for persuading other nations to acquiesce, rather than using naval power and actual military action as a final resort. The reason for this is that compared to army and air force, navy's flexibility, continuity, and the ability to deter are greater. The navy provides excellent accessibility through its wide mobility on the sea, and it has been shown through research that the navy possesses a political usefulness that facilitates the solution of conflicts through presence, naval intervention, and naval blockade. On the other hand, among the factors that could improve the influence of the navy are alliance relations, a reliable and powerful navy, carrots and sticks that it would have to deal with in the case of successful or unsuccessful negotiations, and support from international opinion. On this paper I introduce E.N.Luttwak's naval suasion theory. By the his theory, there are two mode of naval suasion. One is latent naval suasion the other is active suasion. Latent suasion there are deterrent mode and supportive mode. Active naval suasion there are coercive mode and supportive mode. Coercive mode has positive and negative. The limitations of naval suasion have been identified as follows. First, because the objective of the use of naval power is persuading enemy nations, the results are unpredictable. Second, the leaders of all countries possess limited understanding on the complexities of naval power and therefore lack understanding of the usefulness of naval power when choosing options. Third, in case of failure through naval suasion, prestige and reputation of a nation can be damaged. Finally, the following are additional possible research topic. First, a research on the decision making process of choosing naval power as a measure to resolve conflicts is needed. Lastly, research on the size of the navy and types of ships required for efficient naval suasion is needed. Today's world requires cooperative security regime so that middle class navy also requires political use of naval power in solving international conflicts. Therefore, additional research on this topic is needed.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.4
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• pp.307-344
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• 2014

Political parties would normally claim that their campaign and communication materials have effects on voters, be it on their supporters or their opponents during election campaigns. However, such effects are assumed effects by the parties unless voters are themselves assessed about the effects of such materials on themselves. The supporters of the parties are likely to regard such campaign materials as congenial to them but this may not be so with the opposition supporters who would regard such materials as negative. Taking the third-person effect to analyze effects on the audience as the theoretical framework, this study posited that opposition members would regard the materials as negative and thus would claim that they would not have any effect on them but they would likely say that such campaign materials would have effects on own party supporters. Davison (1983) posited that individuals will perceive that negative mediated messages would have their greatest impact not "on me" or "you" but on "them,"- the third person. Research suggests that people judge others to be more influenced than they are by media, advertising, libelous messages, media violence, pornography, and television drama. The theory referred to as the Third-person effect developed on the postulation that audience members would not admit that media had any direct effect on them, but would instead believe that the media influenced others, the third person (Tewksbury, Moy, & Weis, 2004; Price, Tewksbury, & Huang, 1998). On the other hand, while people would discount the effects of negative or biased messages on themselves, they would, under the notion of the First Person Effect, readily admit to being influenced by such messages. This study was based on studying the effects of political literature on party and opposition party supporters taking the messages to be positive to one group and biased and partisan to another group. The study focuses on the assumed effects of political literature on own party and opposition party supporters. It traces the degree of influence of Malaysia's largest political party, Barisan Nasional (BN) political communication literature on its own supporters and on non-BN party supporters. While the third-person effect assumes a null or minimal effect on one's self and some or strong effect on others, the question that arises are on welcoming favorable media effects on oneself and assuming unfavorable effects on others.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.18 no.6
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• pp.137-156
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to analyze types of roles and fashion of the Chinese first ladies and provide basic data for fashion image-making of first ladies. As for the research methods, the concepts, role types, and fashion of the first ladies were considered by referring to the precedent studies and relevant literature. Then, the fashion images according to role types were analyzed by collecting the photos of Chinese first ladies from the period of the Republic of China until today. The results were as follows: First, when the roles of Chinese first ladies were categorized based on ceremonial, political, and policy roles, Zhuo Lin and Wang Yeping played a ceremonial role; Wang Guangmei, Liu Yongqing, and Peng Liyuan played a political role; and Soong Qingling, Soong Mayling, and Jiang Qing played a policy role while they were first ladies. While the first ladies of the Republic of China often wore classic Chinese styles like traditional qipao as well as western clothes which contained a western influence, the first ladies of the People's Republic of China wore more colorful clothes and more accessories in the later period, and also often wore clothes that combined traditional and western elements. Second, first ladies who played a ceremonial role showed mannish and classic images; those who played a political role showed elegant, classic, and diverse images according to T.P.O; and those who played a policy role showed feminine, modern, and mannish images. Fashion images of the first ladies varied according to the level of political involvement, the sociocultural background of China at that time, and their personality and preference.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.162-177
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• 2017

This study explores how the media covered the new media agenda in the process of the diffusion of new media and what the press's attitude about new media policy is according to the relationship between the press and the government based on the political tendency. For this, this study conducted network analysis. The agreement of political tendency between the press and the government is important variable to decide the attitude of the press about the new media policy. Under the conservative government, the conservative press supported the new media policy, however the opposite opposed it Even if opinion page can take an important role in the process of public opinion, the tone pf editorial page on the new media policy differs from its political tendency. It costs tremendous investment in introducing new media, journalists have judge.

• Journal of Korea Trade
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• v.24 no.8
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• pp.63-80
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• 2020

Purpose - Recent empirical studies have shown that FDI is expected to be strongly associated with democratic governance, political stability, and sound macroeconomic conditions of the host country. We attempt to take it a step further to see if governments implement a major change in institutional characteristics, will the institutional reform toward better governance have a substantive effect in enhancing FDI inflows. This paper thus aims to analyze the importance of good governance as an important factor in the attractiveness of FDI inflows in ASEAN+3 (Korea, China, Japan) countries. Design/methodology - To determine the effects of good governance on FDI inflows across ASEAN+3 countries recorded between 1996-2018, the Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) are used to investigate the impact of good governance on FDI inflows. The model has been estimated by using fixed effects to show the robustness of the results. Findings - Our main findings can be summarized as follows: Political Stability, Rule of Law, and Voice and Accountability have a statistically significant impact on the inflow of FDI in the ASEAN+3 Countries, especially for Korean economy. Moreover, GDP growth continue to exert their positive influence. However, Regulatory Quality, Government Effectiveness and Control of Corruption, though equally important, are insignificant to attract FDI inflows. The key finding is that good governance has a significant impact on inward FDI in the ASEAN+3 countries. Originality/value - Existing studies focus on the impact of political factors on FDI across countries. This paper instead attempts to investigate which type of good governance is the most important in promoting FDI inflows across ASEAN+3 countries, which is essential for multinationals to consider when choosing a foreign site as a possible FDI destination.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.103-133
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• 2010

The purpose of this paper is to make a critique of racial aspects of Caribbean literature more ethical through a constant concern with history and political philosophy. The first step I take for this purpose is a comparative reading of C. L. R. James's view of Toussaint L'Ouverture's position and Frantz Fanon's view of race and class in the historical context of the Caribbean power-relations. In so doing, I examine how Toussaint's and Fanon's wills to negotiation were thwarted in the New World history. To elaborate upon this ethico-political approach, I have recourse to the so-called later Derrida, focusing on his books, such as The Politics of Friendship, Of Hospitality, On Cosmopolitanism and Forgiveness, etc. Taking an up-close look at Derrida's thought, I argue that his political contemplation of ethics is as effective as his deconstruction of "otherness" in dealing with the nature of ethnic clashes in both the real world and minority literature. In the second half of my paper, I reexamine the issues of race, gender, and class in the three novels of Jamaica Kincaid - Annie John, Lucy, and The Autobiography of My Mother. It is conceivable that from the feminist perspective Kincaid's fiction has been read as a postcolonial Bildungsroman. In my supplementary attempts to this criticism, I reveal that the teenage narrator's precocious awareness is still under the colonial influence in the Annie John section. My analysis of Lucy contends that the reasons why the white woman fails to make friends with the young black woman should be sought in the long history of the U.S. racial politics. In the section of The Autobiography of My Mother, I discuss how difficult it is for a minority woman to liberate from the spell of history insofar as she is engaged in the issue of identity. In closing, I pose a need of consolation that literature may grant us by becoming able to produce a different interpretation on all the bleaker reality.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.61-79
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• 2020

Purpose - This article empirically investigated the effects of the socio-political factor of censorship preconditioning, and organizational support, mediating performance expectancy of public sector officials' behavioural intention to utilise social media in a post-communist country, Mongolia. Design/methodology/approach - This study collected 212 survey data from public sector organisations in Mongolia. Using the Partial Least Squire (PLS) method, this study analyzed the proposal model grounded on the UTAUT model. Findings - There are still communist footprints in the form of censorship, which remained as a negative precondition factor, and this has an indirect negative influence, and organisational support mediates to enhance performance expectancy. Effort expectancy and social influence factors have direct positive influence on the use of social media systems in the government domain of Mongolia Research implications or Originality - This study empirically investigated the model of public employees' intention to examine the post-communist countries' cultural, social, economic, and political systems, government organisational environment of the former communist sphere. The cultural factors, censorship and organisational support, to the existing IT adoption UTAUT model were also identified to test the situation of a post-communist country, Mongolia. This study contributes to the new theoretical involvement with social media by testing a new social media-based third-party intercommunication channel, including intent to use in the public service for post-communist countries. This study practically provides the guidelines to promote social media usage for public sector in the post-communist situation.

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2023.05a
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• pp.177-177
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• 2023

The impacts of dams on transboundary flow are complex and challenging to project and manage, given the potential moderating influence of a broad range of anthropogenic and natural factors. This study presents a global meta-analysis of 168 studies that examines the effect magnitude of dams on downstream seasonal, annual flow, and hydrological extremes risk on 39 hotspot transboundary river basins. The study also evaluates the impact of 13 factors, such as climate, basin characteristics, dams' design and types, level of transboundary cooperation, and socioeconomic indicators, on the heterogeneity of outcomes. The findings reveal that moderators significantly influence the impact of dams on downstream flow, leading to considerable heterogeneity in outcomes. Transboundary cooperation emerges as the key factor that determines the severity of dams' effect on both dry and wet season's flows at a significance level of 0.01 to 0.05, respectively. Specifically, the presence of water-supply and irrigation dams has a significant (0.01) moderating effect on dry-season flow across basins with high transboundary cooperation. In contrast, for wet-season flow, the basin's vulnerability to climate extremes is associated with a large negative effect size. The various moderators have varying degrees of influence on the heterogeneity of outcomes, with the aridity index, population density, GDP, and risk level of hydro-political tension being the most significant factors for dry-season flow, and the risk level of hydro-political tension and basin vulnerability to climate extremes being the most significant for wet-season flow. The results suggest that transboundary cooperation is crucial for managing the impacts of dams on downstream flow, and that various other factors, such as climate, basin characteristics, and socioeconomic indicators, have significant moderating effects on the outcomes. Thus, context-specific approaches are necessary when predicting and managing the impacts of dams on transboundary flow.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.3
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• pp.121-139
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• 2003

A purpose of this study is to measure degree of solidarity and conflict of the beauty salon franchisees according to an influence strategy of franchiser and grasp characteristics revealed from managing a franchise system. This will also contribute to improving results of franchise systems and considering a direction for development. This study examined existing studies relevant with conflict and solidarity and analysed relativity between relevant variables and grasped the flow of studies and then set hypotheses in order to present a device for decreasing conflict within a franchise system of beauty shops and for increasing a solidarity and subsequently analysed samples and tested data. The data for this study are researched by sending questionnaires to beauty salons which participated in one of franchise systems and they are analyzed by various methods in a statistics. After studying some relevant theories, this study used the definition of the franchise system in beauty salons as an entity of a political-economy paradigm. A franchiser desires to influence member shops with an influence-strategy. Therefore member shops which perceived it go through a conflict and then such a process is revealed as making significant influence on solidarity. Beauty salon franchise exists by reciprocal confidence and transaction. If an opportunism gain in influence owing to an conflict intensification, there would be no steady formation of relationship. Therefore the head office should develop a member-shop-management-system by more scientific and more technical methods and prevent, in advance, member stores from seeking for negative opportunism.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.32 no.5
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• pp.717-728
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• 2008

The purpose of this study to examine the relevant factors in tool and fashion of make up. For the study, a questionnaire survey was conducted of 436 women in between their twenties to fifties residing in the Kyeongnam region. Obtained data were analyzed pearson's correlation coefficient and multiple regression analysis. The results of this study were as follows.; The influence on tool and fashion of make up can be described into 4 factors that are included in the decision making process of tool and fashion, in other words, the demographical characteristic, the body cathexis, the need and the clothing value. Among these factors, the beauty need and the political value were proved to be more important. The demographic characteristics, the media contact had a direct influence on tool, and the occupation status had a direct influence on fashion. The body cathexis did not have a direct influence on any subordinate factors of tool and fashion, but had indirect influence having the need as a parameter or had no influence having the clothing value as a parameter.