Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
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2004.05a
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pp.553-561
/
2004
It works as intermediation of communication of publics these days. Since 20 century, We, Koreans, have established new chaotic multi culture with traditional Korean culture and other different culture from everywhere. Meanwhile, we occupied the most powerful semi-conduct and IT indusry. Within those circumstance, people feel very confused in political, cultural and social aspect. The society armed with economy and popularization promotes material satisfaction with this potential possibility of anonymous masses. However, it results to cause loneliness, isolation, alienation, anonymity, non individuality and commodity of culture. In my work, such phenomenon reveals through human character in a city. People are exposed culture of consumption and surrounded and tempted by all those artificial and superficial atmosphere. Human are possessed and exposed to attractive products and visual images. Finally they make themselves stuck in their case of this world. People lose their own identify and shape of bodies. That is our portrait, who are living this moment. Also, this is a symbol that destroys this modern society. As a result, 1 consider such aspects through those elements above to think how to keep and rethink our identity and what to do for this world.
This study critically examines and conceptually discuss the new theoretical trend of nation branding strategies and explores implications for Korean nation branding policy. Korea is known to be one of the countries who has competitively invested governmental efforts on nation branding. However, over the past two decades, while interactive academic discussions on nation brand were taking place and expanding in various fields and areas, related Korean literature did not pay much attention to increasing its conceptual understanding and development. Instead, studies on nation branding in the Korean context remained its focus on instrumental and economic aspects, leaving the theoretical discussion stagnant. In the Korean context, there was a tendency to regard nation branding as one of the political tools for national public and means for a short-term image marketing towards the foreign audience. To solve the undervaluation of Korea's nation brand and enhance its public image, there must be a revisit to its conceptual discussion. This study reviews various theoretical perspectives and paradigms on recent trends of nation branding, and re-conceptualize nation branding as the continuous interactive relations among 'national identity'-'nation brand'-'nation image'. In particular, by discussing the 'relationship building' approach, which is the latest suggested theoretical idea that well suits the networked era, this study suggests policy implications for Korea's future-oriented nation branding.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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v.28
no.2
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pp.45-56
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2010
This study is dealing with Deoksugung around the founding of the Daehan Empire Era. It will looks closely into how locational contexts and sense of place have been changed according to the subject's view point and the interpretation of text community until Deoksugung is changed into citizen-oriented public place vested with the meaning of public park. In conclusion, Deoksugung was a place for suffering and sorrows, but also it was a place for ceaseless attempt to pursue of the recovery of past without loosing hope. As in the case of uprising war like Japanese invasion of Korea (Imjin Yeran) or Cheong Japan War, Deoksugung was an importantly historical place where autocrat temporarily stayed to stand up for the war and moreover, it was an imperial palace where the ambivalent sensibility between suffering and hope are intermingled in the very first Korean Empire in history. Unlike Kyeongbokgung and Changdeokgung, the current Deoksugung has changed its boundary from time to time since Japanese invasion of Korea up to the present. Deoksugung has evolved the present situation as endlessly changing its boundary by interacting with the neighbor of Kyungungung. The more complicated sense of place is coexisted in the features of the Deoksugung. Therefore, current hot topics concerning restoration project of Deoksugung is much more difficult than of other palaces. This issues should be carefully dealt with beyond the political interests.
Many States such as Arizona, Texas, New Mexico, Colorado, California, New Mexico, Florida were obtained either from Spanish Empire or from Mexico. In 1848 due to the Guadalupe-Hidalgo treaty America could obtain half of the original territory of Mexico. American identity cannot be understood without the history of American expansionism further consolidated by the Spanish-American War in 1898, which brought other ex-Spanish colonies such as Guam, Puerto Rico, the Philippines to the US. The US's interest in these territories dates back to the Monroe doctrine in 1823 when Monroe "declared the Americas off-limits to any new European colonization." America justifies their expansion based on the notion of Manifest Destiny which was created by O'Sullivan at the hight of American fever to annex Texas to US. The intent of this paper is to study how Anglo-Saxon and Latin Culture clashed against each other especially right before and after the Spanish-American War. In this study the American hero, Theodore Roosevelt and Latin American hero, $Jos{\acute{e}}$ Martí will be compared, though they did not meet each other during the Spanish-American war due to Marti's early death in 1895 at the battle for the Cuba Libre. Their comparison is significant in that the former represents the American expansionist spirit and the latter the spirit of Anti-imperialism and Anti-Anglocentrism. Along with the concept of Manifest Destiny of America, 'American exceptionalism' is also mentioned which motivates U.S. to expand further even after the Spanish-American war in the form of 'informal imperialism' characterized by 'gunboat politics'of the US. These discussions will draw attention to how recent theorists such as Bryce Traister criticizes the Border Theory represented by $Jos{\acute{e}}$ David Saldívar. Here the Border Theory is criticized to repeat the discourse of the globalized capitalism which prefers the weak state and the transnational aspects by focusing on the in-betweenness of the border. In the end the paper will focus on how the Border theory as represented by Saldivar is political enough and sets up a resistant example against American expansionism of today in its focus on the call for pan-American and pluri-versal subjectivity of the borderlands. This point will be supported by a discussion of how Saldivar's view is confirmed by Walter Mignolo who advocates the "bottom up" resistance of the indigenous people of Chiapas and other social forums such as World Social Forum and the Social Forum of the Americas derived from the Zapatistas' movement whose motto is "A World in which many world co-exist."
North Korea discourse is doubtful. A considerable portion is distorted under political objectives, group identity, and interests. Surely, there are facts based on North Korea's conducts. Apparent deceptions commonly exist as well though. Korean media does not endeavor to set the records straight and there are no revision towards mislead information. This is substantially dangerous as it can misjudge North Korean policies, beget national antipathy, and interferes with rational and constructive policy making. This study stems from such concerns and takes such cases as HEU(Highly Enriched Uranium) suspicion of 2002, dispute covering BDA(Banco Delta Asia)'s counterfeiting, and the abandonment of the Geneva Agreed Framework into consideration. The first part concentrates on fathoming the truth of the three cases. References from US government, academia, think tanks, media were inquired with an addition of secondary material from Korea and China. Secondly it examines whether domestic news properly reflects the precedent facts along the process of discovery. The cause and solution suggested by domestic media were organized and inductively reconstituted to frames. The last study questions the structural factors that reproduces suspicion analogs. Today's dangers facing Korean society are essentially not natural but artificial. This research hopes to foster peace by analyzing related discourses that are infamous to reinterpret reality.
This paper examines the constitutive relationship between realism and magical realism using a genealogical approach. Georg $Luk{\acute{a}}cs^{\prime}s$ The Theory of Novel and Gabriel García $M{\acute{a}}rquez^{\prime}s$ One Hundred Years of Solitude, as two founding texts of each genealogy, meet each other obliquely, sharing the most essential features. Even if realism and magical realism appear in opposition to each other in their political, cultural, epistemological outlooks, they in fact constitute the same truth regime in two different guises. Karen Tei Yamashita's Tropic of Orange interrogates this discursive regime of magical/realism, refusing to be contained within it. Her novel de-emphasizes the current idea of solidarity based on identity politics because it cannot resist effectively against the all-reifying power of globalization. Instead, she abandons the idea of imagination itself, and thus, tries to cease the dominant operative of magical/realism. On the temporary vacuum caused from such a conscious act of abandoning imagination, Tropic of Orange posits the urgent need to rethink 'solitude' and 'community', which already have been hopelessly compromised in the history of literary imagination as a global governmentality.
International society, including the United Nations, has recently been making efforts to further promote a rapprochement of cultures in relation to alleviating military and political conflicts and other social clashes. In line with these efforts at the international level, there has been a growing interest on Central Asia and, in particular, on the Silk Road, which functioned as a trade route among ancient civilizations in the region and is also seen as a route that promoted cultural dialogue and exchanges. Given the amount of cross cultural dialogue and exchange, it is no surprise that intangible cultural heritage has historically been abundant and easily found in the region. However, this heritage was placed in considerable risk because heritage transmission critically weakened for seventy years under Soviet rule. Fortunately, since independence, there has been increasing interest in restoring community identity and reviving intangible heritage. Nevertheless, in spite of this interest, a lack of policies and cultural support in each country has made heritage safeguarding difficult. In this paper, I analyze the various phenomena that took place after the concept and international trends on ICH were introduced and speak about the experiences and outcomes obtained from collaborative network projects by ICHCAP and the Central Asian countries over the last six year. In addition, I would like take this opportunity to discuss how we can understand and develop collaboration in the intangible heritage field in Central Asia in a long-term perspective.
Struggles to gain acknowledgement of identity have a characteristic of movement to recover human dignity. Participants in this movement come to confirm themselves as the subject of rights and communicate one another, free from oppression. Being guaranteed the opportunity to participate in the public opinion formation process is an indispensable element of human rights. In 1980, though it was short and incomplete, Gwangju experienced communal autonomy under the condition that state power was temporarily stopped. The contents and memories of the Gwangju Democratization Movement that intended to protect autonomy of civil society, resisting pillage of state power, remain intact in the 1980 Archives for the May 18th. The 5.18 archives were registered in UNESCO's Memory of the World in 2011, with its value of human rights and protection of democracy being acknowledged. The 5.18 archives have memories of resistance and struggles for justice, and sacrifices and pains of citizens under oppressive political authority in Gwangju, 1980. Thus, these archives are related to the historical struggles for democracy, and suggest a lesson on the transition process towards democracy to us. Preservation and utilization of the documentary heritage constantly lead the memories of historical events to the present, and enable exchanges of experiences and ideas between the present and the future. This study, through the process of UNESCO's Memory of the World registration and post-registration process, beyond the value of archives, tries to examine how historical events are led to the present, through the archives and to discuss the other values of archives.
Community creates, receives and preserves the records, which made the community members and the entire society remember their history. As for community archives, archival appraisal is very political activity because appraisal of community records means whose memory remain alive in history. This study aims to analyze archival appraisal theories from the perspective of community and community archives, and suggest appraisal model for community archives. This study begins with examining the meaning of community archives and appraisal related issues including; i) community identity and independence of archives, ii) struggle of memory and multiple narratives, iii) uniqueness of each community and its archives, and iv) community archives as memory process and social inclusion. At the next stage, it deals with the archival theories from Schellenberg's archival values theory to macro-appraisal, to investigate possible application of theories for community records appraisal. It finds that the societal approach of macro-appraisal have advantage to appraise the community records. This study finally suggests the appraisal model for community archives by modifying the macro-appraisal components as well as by complying the principles of community archives. The model consists of the purpose and object of appraisal, principle and basis of valuation, and cooperation model between mainstream repository and community.
Since the middle of the 19th century, East Asia, especially Korea, was oppressed externally by the imperialism of Japan and others while internally long-lasting political convention like in-law government was driving the country into troubles at home and abroad. Witnessing such a situation and building up scholarly capability through reading over nearly all spheres, a Confucian philosopher, Ch'oe Han-gi (崔漢綺, 1803-1877), philosophized about the clue to the solution of such a choking phenomenon. Ch'oe believed that there was movement, ki (matter, material force, energy) of revolving transformation inherent in all things, people, or objects. Grasping even the principle and order of existence inherent in things from the viewpoint of ki, he tried to change the traditional theory on the law of existence of things that there existed an ontological reason lacking in motility, which was more dominant than anything existing in the universe and which ruled over the world. From this, he elucidated that the Way, an identity that rules over all affairs and things, was not simply one but diverse. This means, on one hand, that he tentatively accepted the relativity of things. On the other hand, he also taught us "oneness in all things" in which all including human beings exist in close connection to each other transcending the relativity or "agreement" in which they exist in harmony as one and "unity" in which they are united into one.
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