• Korean Security Journal
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• no.3
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• pp.117-144
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• 2000

Not only has there been movement along the sectoral continuum, Johnston argues, but changes in the spatial balance of policing are also visible. More concretely, he suggests that British policing has been undergoing a century-long process that has gathered pace since the 1960s. Three factors have been central to this process. First, legislative centralization brought about by the Police Act 1964 - which established the tripartite structure for police governance and amalgamated forces - and the Local Government Act 1972 which reorganized local government. Secondly, the political and industrial unrest of the 1970s and early 1980s led to the establishment of new levels of national police co-operation and, in the words of one author, to the establishment of a 'de facto national police force'. Thirdly, increasing European influence has further internationalized police co-operation and organization. Johnston concludes that the spatial restructuring that appears to be taking place in British policing is indicative of a broader process of fragmentation of social structures and systems for maintaining order.

• Proceedings of the KAIS Fall Conference
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• 2003.11a
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• pp.127-138
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• 2003

Although the research on electronic commerce is plentiful, there is little empirical research related to Web-Based Shopping Systems (WBSS). This is especially so in global electronic commerce circumstances. WBSS are the fastest growing segment of digital economies and are perceived as driving forces of electronic commerce in terms of global markets and digital business. Using WBSS, organizations have a new chance of their business evolving successfully as global marketers. This paper develops a unified model to assess the diffusion of WBSS. Factors that impact WBSS diffusion are identified and analyzed as the basis for empirical testing. A set of propositions is developed that allows operationalization of the model. The ultimate goal is to provide the new research insights for the academic circles and the practical guidelines for organizations wishing to undertake WBSS.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.145-152
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• 2013

This paper addresses the relationship between public housing tenure and social disadvantage. The research examines social capital levels among public tenants in Australia, concentrating on their level of interpersonal trust and confidence in a range of public institutions. Through multivariate analyses of national survey data it also profiles the social and political background of public housing tenants. Although public housing tenants have access to secure and affordable housing, they appear to be less trusting and 'happy' than private renters or homeowners, and exhibit less confidence in some institutions such as the Australian parliament, universities and the ABC (the Australian public television broadcaster). These results probably reflect the residualised nature of public housing in Australia and indicate that public tenants are likely to be 'alienated' from certain aspects of mainstream culture. However, public tenants have higher levels of confidence than homeowners in the Australian defence forces and trade unions. So public housing may 'shore up' confidence and social capital in some areas, and levels of trust would be lower if public housing was not available to disadvantaged citizens.

• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.115-132
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• 2022

Caodaism officially came into existence in 1926 in Southern Vietnam and soon became a spiritual phenomenon, in the sense of spiritual and social influence. Despite being sandwiched between political forces and ruling governments, Caodaism steadily grew far beyond its national boundary. After 95 years, Caodaism eventually reached Taiwan when a new small Cao Đài Congregation, approved by top Cao Đài Dignitaries in Vietnam, was established in Zhongli District, Taoyuan City by a group identifying as 'Vietnamese New Immigrants' in Taiwan. This article traced this religious organization's doctrine, philosophy, prophecy and relevant socio-cultural factors and found that (1) Caodaists see the successful spreading of Caodaism to Taiwan as having been prophesied long ago; (2) Caodaists believe that any human efforts by Cao Đài missionaries to spread Caodaism overseas without approval from Divinities could end up in failure; and (3) the similarities in social, cultural, and religious practices between the peoples of Vietnam and Taiwan lay a strong foundation for Caodaism to further develop in Taiwan.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.477-498
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• 2010

The Reasons which Rose Revolution, Orange Revolution, and Lemon Revolution had been much argued in international society are as follows: Firstly, the important fact was that authoritarian governments in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan were collapsed not by physical violences and military forces, but by unblooded civil movements, so called Civil Revolution. And it is also called as Colorful Revolution. Secondly, during the advance of three Civil Revolution, hegemony conflicts between Russia and western powers including US appeared. In fact, tensions between the two countries, Russia and US had already occurred in Post-soviet region after dissolution of Soviet Union. Thirdly, as a result of three Civil Revolution, there were built up fullest attentions in international societies about the possibilities of other civil revolutions, that is to say, 'Colorful Revolution' among the countries which were the republics of former USSR. In this respect, in this investigation of Lemon Revolution in Kyrgyzstan as like Rose Revolution in Georgia and Orange Revolution in Ukraine, this article examined the roles and supports toward NGOs of Western powers including US. To my opinion, it is likely that NGOs, with powerful sponsors, become political bodies working through networks and media rather than being rooted in civil society and acting on behalf of citizens. And that powerful sponsors, directly or indirectly financed by outside governments, become involved in political activities. So NGOs have been important roles in promoting civil revolution as political agencies and more political instruments of foreign governments. In the long run, through the Colorful Revolution, it is better to understand that hegemony struggle is beginning between external concerned superpowers including US and Russia, rather than hegemony struggle having directly broke out.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.161-168
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• 2023

Recently, China-Taiwan relations are facing a crisis, and at the same time, the U.S.-China relationship and the structure of Northeast Asia are greatly shaken, so we should pay attention to changes in cross-strait relations. This study aims to predict how cross-strait relations will change after the party convention by analyzing Xi Jinping's Taiwan policy, focusing on the "Political Report" of the 20th party convention and the content analysis of leadership personnel. The results of the study are as follows. First, as the amendment to the party constitution announced after the closing of the party convention stipulates the possibility of armed invasion, Xi Jinping will implement a tough Taiwan policy emphasizing unification. Second, strategic competition with the United States will continue to intensify in the future when analyzing the contents of Chapters 2, 11, 13, and 14 of the "Political Reporting" and the personnel management of diplomatic and security leadership. As a result, cross-strait relations are expected to show instability for a considerable period of time. Third, at a time when Taiwan rejects the unification plan of "one country, two systems" and the tendency to de-Chineseize is strengthening, there is a possibility that legislation or specific enforcement ordinances will be enacted to strengthen the existing "Anti-Secession Law." Fourth, it is expected that strong and warm two-sided strategies will be used together, such as taking a strong response to external forces interfering with the Taiwan issue and Taiwan independence forces, and using incentives for the Kuomintang(KMT) and Taiwanese who are friendly to unification.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.32-43
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• 1997

Deprivation of means to study the cultures and history of the natives of Bering Strait in their own lands, gives us and especially U. S. A. and Russia-where the objective regions of this study is pertained to-the great suffering of intellectual and aesthetic losses. Throughout 20th century, as political and economic forces prevailed, it became increasingly difficult for both Natives and outsiders to see this region as having common past. In such difficult circumstances, United Nations Council for Environmental Development held at Rio de Janeiro, Brasil in June, 1992 started out to give obligations to present environmental future. With such trend getting stronger and being in demand, this study is also focussed on coincides with such environmental matters and differs from man centered western civilization which ruled th environment rather than to harmonize with it. Through the studies of fashions and cultural materials of this region, it was able to identify the great similarities between Northwestern Alaska and Northeastern Siberia. Especially in the clothing materials of this region\`s toy dolls, it was possible to confirm that both side of Bering Strait possessed similar culture. Although both side had similar environment, in the past its peoples began to be seen as separated and alienated aligned only with their current political state-Russia and U. S. A. Through this study, it was able to see diversity of the peoples and thir languages but also close cultural and historical ties that link them very closely together. This study verified such similarities and common characteristics through close examination of Native clothing and decorations and other traditions of Siberian Natives such as Yupik, Chukchi, Koryak, Even, Amur River peoples and Nivkh; and Alaskan Natives such as Inupiag, Yupik, Alutiig, Aleut, Athapaskan, and Tlingit.

• Strategy21
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• s.36
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• pp.5-32
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• 2015

Geopolitics or Political Geography is an essential academic field that should be studied carefully for a more comprehensive analysis of international security relations. However, because of its tarnished image as an ideology that supported the NAZI German expansion and aggression, geopolitics has not been regarded as a pure academic field and was rejected and expelled from the academic communities starting from the Cold War years in 1945. During the Cold War, ideology, rather than geography, was considered more important in conducting and analyzing international relations. However, after the end of the Cold War and with the beginning of a new era in which territorial and religious confrontations are taking place among nations - including sub national tribal political organizations such as the Al Quaeda and other terrorist organizations - geopolitical analysis again is in vogue among the scholars and analysts on international security affairs. Most of the conflicts in international relations that is occurring now in the post-Cold War years can be explained more effectively with geopolitical concepts. The post - Cold War international relations among East Asian countries are especially better explained with geopolitical concepts. Unlike Europe, where peaceful development took place after the Cold War, China, Japan, Korea, the United States, Taiwan and Vietnam are feeling more insecure in the post-Cold War years. Most of the East Asian nations' economies have burgeoned during the Cold War years under the protection of the international security structure provided by the two superpowers. However, after the Cold War years, the international security structure has not been stable in East Asia and thus most of the East Asian nations began to build up stronger military forces of their own. Because most of the East Asian nations' national security and economy depend on the oceans, these nations desire to obtain more powerful navies and try to occupy islands, islets, or even rocks that may seem like a strategic asset for their economy and security. In this regard, the western Pacific Ocean is becoming a place of confrontation among the East Asian nations. As Robert Kaplan, an eminent international analyst, mentioned, East Asia is a Seascape while Europe is a Landscape. The possibility of international conflict on the waters of East Asia is higher than in any other period in East Asia's international history.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.147-179
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• 2018

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, Jakarta's Ex-Governor, lost his re-election bid in 2017 and then was jailed on a charge of blasphemy. After his defeat, the rhetorics of Indonesian politics was divided into two opposing sides: anti-Communism and 'pribumi' of the radical Islamic movements and Pancasila of the Jokowi administration. Although Islamic political parties are now preoccupied with their own coalitional politics and survivals, rather than solidarity of Islamic forces, the rising Islamic sentiments confirmed by the Jakarta election indicate that religion will continue to be a key variable in Indonesian politics. Meanwhile, ex-military generals who declared themselves as candidates in the 2018 regional election and the 2019 presidential election, as well as a few measures used by the Jokowi administration against extra-parliamentary political opponents, remind us of Suharto's New Order. Steady growth continues in economy. The raise of minimum wage enlarged middle classes and led to a decline of the poverty rate. Jokowi's commitment to building infrastructure has made tangible achievements. Under these circumstances, enhanced cooperation between Indonesia and South Korea is laudable, though any such cooperation must fully incorporate local sociocultural contexts, such as the strengthened halal certification system.