• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.135-150
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• 2016

This paper studied on the geographical distribution location arrangement and the social construction of Pungsu discourse and the Pungsu(Fengshui) management of royal tombs on the Joseon Dynasty from the historical, cultural geographical perspective. The Pungsu landscape of royal tombs during the Joseon dynasty was the direct result of the political dynamics among the king, his family, other royal families, and various groups of vassals. Pungsu was a important factor in deciding tomb sites or landscapes, but it was a secondary factor to politics in the Joseon Dynasty. The primary factor was politics, clearly showing Pungsu's status in social discourse. The royal tomb Pungsu is defined as the Pungsu discourse of the Joseon Dynasty period which is combined with Confucian ideology in Korean Pungsu history.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.58 no.5
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• pp.975-999
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• 2012

This paper interrogates what a new point Schmitt shows concerning the problem of sovereignty in Hamlet or Hecuba in comparison with his Political Theology. Schmitt reveals his political stand on sovereignty through ‘political representation’ that connects the politics to the aesthetics in Hamlet or Hecuba since Hamlet is above all aesthetic work as play. He stresses the determining effect of political reality over the play as he links the story of Hamlet to the tragic family of James I and the religious conflicts of the Stuart dynasty. This leads to, on the one hand, supporting the myth of absolute sovereignty by elevating Hamlet to the transcendental and the exceptional status of sovereign. However, Schmitt’s intent over the absolute sovereignty is, on the other hand, demolished with the two shadows that he scrutinized through the couple of Hamlet and James I: first, the suspect that Gertrude(Mary Stuart) was involved in the murder of Hamlet(James I)’s father, and second, the century’s conflicts with religious reformation and civil war. The perils of sovereignty are manifested not only in these two, “the taboo of the Queen,” and “the Hamletization of the avenger.” It is most of all evidenced in Hamlet itself that subverts the unconditional sovereignty consistently. Hamlet’s selfreflective remarks likening the king to the beggar and the reality of Denmark succession prove that Hamlet’s political discourse is totally different from the politics that accentuates the divine sovereignty.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.712-726
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to find out what discourse the newspaper's articles produce and distribute about 'drug addiction' and to reveal the topography and meaning of the discourse. Data were collected by searching 'drug' 'drug addiction' as keywords for news articles in four daily newspapers in Korea. As a result of analyzing using Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis, first, the 'crime-punishment' discourse was dominant in textual analysis. Drug addiction is a social evil and a serious crime such as sex crimes, child crimes, and violence, so it should be strictly punished. Second, in the discourse practice analysis, drug addiction is a mental disease that needs treatment, so systematic management by the state is required. Third, in the socio-cultural practice analysis, drug addiction is a means of making money for economic benefit, is related to corruption of political power, and is an object that should be strongly controlled to prevent drug crimes from threatening the foundation of the state. Culturally, drug addiction stems from the motivation of pleasure seeking, and is the result of moral degradation. Through this analysis, the conversion to the 'disease-treatment' discourse and drug policies centered on treatment and rehabilitation were suggested as alternatives.

• Anayses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.27-59
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• 2023

This study aims to serve as a critical comparison of the currently controversial 'new cold war' discourse. It took three triggers for the 'new cold war' discourse to emerge as a major issue in the media and academia and to have real political impact. With the launch of China's 'Belt and Road' project and Russia's annexation of Crimea leading to the 'Ukraine crisis,' the 'new cold war' discourse has begun to take shape. Trump's U.S.-China trade spat has brought the 'new cold war' debate to the forefront. The 'new cold war' debate is currently being intensified by the Biden administration's framing of "democracy versus authoritarianism" and Putin's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there is no consensus among scholars on whether the controversial 'new cold war' is a new version, or a continuation of the historically defined concept of the Cold War. The term 'New Cold War' is less of an analytical concept and more of a topical term that has yet to achieve analytical status, let alone a theoretical validation and systematization, and the related debate remains at the level of assertion or discourse. Through this comparative analysis, I will argue that the ongoing discourse of the 'New Cold War' does not have the instrumental explanatory power to analyze the transitional phenomena of the world order today.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.217-261
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• 2011

This study is an attempt to construct a basic framework of analysis about China's political and economic influence on Southeast Asia through traditional Sinocentrism, anti-colonial nationalism, Cold War socialism and post-Cold War capitalism. As to the historical status of Southeast Asia vis-a-vis external forces such as India, China and the West, the colonial discourse tends to put excessive emphasis upon its dependence, and the posy-colonial discourse upon its autonomy. However, this study elucidates the political and economic interactions between China and Southeast Asia in a dynamic perspective, focusing on their reciprocal interactions beyond the essentially static dichotomy of autonomy and dependence. Chinese influence on Southeast asia can be divided into active and reactive one, with the former referring to direct and intended consequences and the latter to indirect and unintended consequences. In the historical process of active and reactive influence, both China and Southeast Asia were fundamentally proactive actors. Thus, the autonomy or dependence of Southeast Asia is just a question of relative one, with its actual extent and degree varying with specific spatial and temporal conditions.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.59-83
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• 2019

The Chinese Belt Road initiatives in the Southeast Asian countries marked a new chapter in the development of China political influence on this region. This article looks at the initiative from the cultural dimension and aims to place its narrative as the entry point to understand the use of identity politics in Asian countries that target the Chinese diaspora. This topic relates to the primordial sentiments of Southeast Asian nations amid massive Chinese investment in the region. The issue of Chinese investments under the Belt Road Initiative corridor has a relationship with the formation of anti-Chinese discourse and anti-communist in some Southeast Asian countries. We took the cases of Indonesian and Malaysian elections to observe the use of identity politics and anti-Chinese political discourse in Southeast Asia. In both cases, a common issue emerged, that of the strengthening both Islamic and indigenous sensibilities. The establishment of ASEAN during the Cold War may be seen then as an anti-thesis to emerging Chinese power. However, anti-Chinese and anti-communism sentiments were not enough to unite the forces of the nations of Southeast Asia. We have concluded that brotherhood, mutual prosperity, and anti-neo-colonialism are yet to be fostered completely to make a distinct ASEAN identity.

• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.51-55
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• 2017

LINE, an instant message App with a powerful capability of transmitting various forms of data, has been overwhelmed in Asia since launched in 2011. Due to its popularity, LINE was first used in the 2016 Taiwanese presidential election. This research utilized a functional approach of campaign communication discourse and political visual images to analyze how candidates managed and presented themselves by textual and visual information on LINE. Regarding the textual information, results revealed their strategy inclined to reverse gender stereotype because the female candidate emphasized policy over character, while the male emphasized character over policy. Both candidates did not fully employ ten image functions because they utilized mostly the emotional and image building functions. The female candidate message achieved the largest total amount of 'like' and 'share'. This study probes into the App campaigning and improve the feasibility and practicability to share knowledge of political communication by new media.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.2
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• pp.357-384
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• 2013

In this study I've analyzed the strategy and techniques of the welfare discourses of korean conservative newspapers based on the discourse theory. Emphasizing the political and social characteristics of the discourse, It is investigated the way that the conservative newspapers criticize against assertions for welfare increase and universal welfare and the way that produce social meaning on welfare. The study is focused on the discourse techniques like symmetrical contrasts, making new contexts, and formation of identity. The critical welfare discourses are structured according to symmetrical contrasts of welfare to the rationality, the morality, and the prospects for future. The elements of the discourses are reinforced by one another and were recontextualized to the new stories on welfare. The conservative newspapers had emphasized secession welfare from the politics, solving the problem of inefficiency of welfare administration. Regarding the technique of identification, the newspapers had treated people as owners and victims of welfare on the role of financing welfare expenditure. It is noteworthy the newspapers have began to call people separately according to generations and income class using finance.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.12 no.7
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• pp.378-393
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper was to analyze a social discourse on the construction of a domed stadium produced in the media. In particular, the article sought to explore and interpret the political, economical, social and cultural contexts of the building of a domed stadium by looking at how media sources with newspapers as the central source of information have produced and formed social discourses regarding the construction of a domed stadium. In a concluding perspective it was confirmed that the three aspects of social discourses have been produced and formed. First, a 'approval' discourse supporting the building of a domed stadium has been produced and formed. Second, a 'opposite' discourse criticizing it has been produced and formed. Third, in the confrontation between the approval and opposition of the building of a domed stadium, a 'governance' discourse, which the construction of a domed stadium should be solved rationally through the communication and involvement of the private and governmental sectors, has been produced.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.