• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.39 no.5 s.104
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• pp.735-754
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• 2004

This paper provides an overview of political ecology, a body of theory that focuses on the links between political and economic inequality on the one hand, and environmental degradation on the other. Adopting a tripartite classification scheme that identifies three political ecology traditions -'classical', 'democratic' and 'poststructuralist'- the discussion shows the need for a move within the poststructuralist tradition away from a narrow and quasi-idealistic focus on discourse to a more robust philosophical engagement with ontological and epistemological issues grounded in Gilles Deleuze's development of Nietzschean materialism. From there. the author draws on numerous examples from Canada, and surveys the available literature on 'bioregionalism', a relatively new intellectual tradition evolved from the North American environmental social movements of the 1970s and 1980s. The so-called 'bioregional approach' stresses that administrative units need to reflect (rather than transect) eco-geographical and cultural features. Bioregionalism is described and assessed as a potential pragmatic research framework for geographers and other planners wishing to respond proactively to the call for a revamped, poststructuralist political ecology. The paper concludes that a bioregional approach to political ecology avoids the weaknesses identified by certain critics, provides scope for consideration of fundamental philosophical ideas, and as such, represents a practical development of a poststructuralist political ecology.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.628-633
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• 2010

All the text of housing in 1910s was conveyed in three; hygiene general readings, home economics texts saying women's responsibility of cleaning house, and Japanese's observation and criticizing Korean housing. It stressed sanitary conditions of housing and criticised Korean housing dirty, of which contents and logic were same with the housing discourse in 1900s but much simpler and smaller in amount. It was mainly written by those in medical treatment field like doctors for enlightenment of private hygiene practice to Koreans. Because Choson Government-General(朝鮮總督府) excluded Korean residental areas from urban sanitation project, they remained dirty in 1910s. The practice of housing sanitation remained just as a matter of private sanitary practice. These political and discoursive conditions insinuated a sense that Korean dirty housing was representation of Korean's uncivilized customs and manners and a reason for being colonized. This sense made many Koreans to insist their housings' reforming to sanitary states just for civilization during colonized period.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.88-99
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• 2013

This study considered the transition of changes in social status of the film through the discourse analysis of printed media, having been published since 6th revised film policy in 1987. For the purpose, Pierre Bourdieu's cultural sociology, or 'Field theory approach' was engaged as a theoretical background. On the basis of that theory, changes in social status was divided into expert and popular field. From 1988 to 2007, doctor's and master's theses on filmologie and the representative academic journal, "Film Studies" were examined with regard to area of expertise, and movie-related books with regard to popular one. This study demonstrated that the symbolic capital had inhered in the cinematic field along with specialization and diversification of analytic aspects, and the relation between the academic approach and political consideration had performed an important role in intellectualization of film.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.89-108
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• 2023

Science, technology and innovation (STI) has expanded the activity of actors from the traditional physical territory to the cyberspace. Data-driven platform services and markets advance new discussions on cross-border cooperation and cyber security, as well as discourse on sovereignty in cyberspace. These changes are also affecting the hegemony competition between the US and China. In particular, competition for aid to developing countries that are located along major resource transportation routes, such as natural gas and deep sea resources, is fierce. ASEAN is not only a geopolitical military and security point where the US and China powers collide, but its population of 600 million has great potential for the development of the digital economy due to its data resources. In this regard, this article aims to connect the discourse of liberalism and authoritarianism with data regulation and cybersecurity in international development cooperation, and derive implications for ASEAN integration through this. This study has significance as a convergence study that links international political issues related to big data in terms of global governance.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.73-103
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• 2017

With the introduction and expansion of 'maker movement', maker culture captured attention and saw itself as an emerging culture. This study aims to analyze published books, policy report, columns and news articles related to maker culture through the perspective of critical discourse analysis. Maker movement led by the government gives meaning to the maker culture as the force of 'creative economy' that can overcome the economic crisis. Following this meaning making, one-man digital fabrication start-ups have been actively promoted by government policies. In the case of Seoul, it criticizes government led maker movement that only focuses on economy and institutionalizes maker movement by focusing on the maker culture's aspect as 'digital social innovation' that can resolve social problems. In the world of art, it tries to rediscover the value craft, that is, 'creative craftsman'. Moreover, resistance movement that tries to fight against dominant technology structure through constructing 'critical making' was also spotted. Nonetheless, it is rather untimely to definitely find dominant discourse's power effect in reality and sign of rupture in dominant structure as the result of resisting discourse's struggle. Thus, maker movement is the field of struggle where an ongoing clash can be found: between discourse strategy that tries to make maker culture a social or economic asset by combining with dominant power structure, and alternating or resisting practice of signification that focuses on its cultural techno-political potential.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.161-191
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• 2018

In the beginning of the 20th century, post-colonialism has directly raised questions about western-centered universalism. One of its main achievements is that the political liberation of a colonial society does not guarantee the social, economic and cultural liberation of a society. Therefore, the discourse of liberation in the Western society, in particular, Marxism, nationalism, feminism and postmodernism, cannot be directly applied to the non-Western society. As a result, Western and non-Western societies are unfortunately dreaming of different futures and liberation; therefore, a'geopolitical dialogue' is needed between them. However, the theorists' efforts for postcolonial liberation failed to distinguish themselves from the western-centric traditions. It is also true that they have, in conjunction with these traditions, established their own power. As we know, many of the postcolonial criticisms somehow had relations with the West. This study will re-read the postcolonial thought of $Aim{\acute{e}}$ $C{\acute{e}}saire$, the father of the so-called $N{\acute{e}}gritude$, as a 'non-western resistance discourse'. Through this process, we have a chance to reflect on $C{\acute{e}}saire$ and his postcolonial thoughts.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.24
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• pp.5-18
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• 2011

This article offers a reflection on Frantz Fanon's diagnosis and analysis of French colonialism in Algeria. We will attempt to demonstrate that there is a concrete and clear connection between Fanon as the psychiatrist diagnosing the devastating effects of the French colonial system, and his subsequent political involvement in the Algerian revolution. This is not to say that each part does not contain valuable insights in their own rights, but rather to stress that without being read together, as a whole, one would miss a significant element in the understanding of the importance Fanon's thought subsequently came to play in the emancipation struggles of the colonized worldwide. Furthermore, we argue that it is crucial to understand the intimate connection between Fanon's psychiatric work, his diagnosis of colonial mental disorders, as well as diagnosis of the colonial system as such, and then his political engagement, in order to understand the particular context in which he favourably discusses the use of violence in the name of fighting against the oppressive system of colonialism. Above all, we argue that Fanon's critique of colonialism continues to spark controversy because it still represents the most powerful and incisive analysis of, as well as answer to, the troubled relationship between the blessed and the wretched of the earth.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.37
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• pp.131-156
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• 2014

This article attempts to explore the literature of Catherine the second, focusing on her comedies in the light of anti-freemasonry in the late 18th-centuryof Russia. Her main idea towards social morals was consistently expressed from in her early comedies during 1770s, such as 'Oh! times!'(1772), to her late counterparts during 1880s, such as so called 'anti-freemason trilogy,' which includes 'the deceiver'(1785), 'the deceived one'(1785) and 'Siberian shaman'(1786). By depicting antagonists-freemasons in her own trilogy, only as alchemists, shamans, fallacious chemists, hypocritical medical doctors, and so on, Caterine the second intended to undermine the mason influence against Russian Empire, which had ideationally attracted Russian nobles and intellectuals and furthermore to reinforce her political control over the intellectuals as well as the public. The above literacy attempts by Catherine can be said to aim to found morals of her own era through the utilization of social discourse, rather than through the political or governmental control.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.64 no.2
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• pp.219-238
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• 2018

This essay examines the first-generation Korean American writer, No-Yong Park's falsehoods about his ethnic identity to suggest how and why he passed for Chinese, and to explore the political, anti-Japanese implications of these actions. The essay first identifies erroneous information circulating about his biographical background, presents some other materials that help us better understand the context in which he forged his Chinese identity, and then examines how he represented himself as Chinese in his published works. I would argue that Park's self-identification as Chinese was a resulting outcome of his naturalization caused by the Japanese colonial power in Korea and also one of his surviving strategies in the racist environment within American society. Looking at some of his works-including Making a New China (1929), An Oriental View of American Civilization (1934), Chinaman's Chance: Autobiography (1940)-and examining how he represented Korea and its people reveal how he tried to raise voice for them. By doing so, this essay illuminates Park's resistance to Japan's colonial discourse and power in Korea while revealing his lifetime passing as Chinese-far from his refusal to belong to the Korean community, or to acknowledge being Korean.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.10
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• pp.492-502
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• 2017

This study, by analyzing two recent television dramas, attempts to identify the ways how popular cultural texts deal with supernatural beings and to discuss political meanings of the ways in the context of neoliberal Korea. The results are: (1) The narratives make a clear line between the supernatural and the ordinary. (2) The supernatural is effectively used in the narratives to extend the boundary of conflict structure towards structural social problems that the society is now facing. (3) When the text resolving the conflicts, the supernatural is also critical, which makes the whle narrative in line with fantasy rather than reality. These results suggest that the conclusion of the previous studies, arguing the use of the supernatural by popular cultural texts tends to function as a form of resistance against neoliberal discourse structure, needs to be negotiated. It is also reaffirmed that we need to explain political meanings of popular cultural texts dealing with supernatural beings, with its double-sided and ambivalent effects.